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Tax Time Brings Surprises for Some Who Receive ACA Subsidies

Julie Appleby — Fri, 03 Apr 2026 10:00:00 +0000

Tax time can come with big surprises for some people who have Affordable Care Act coverage, including owing money back to the government for premium subsidies received during the previous year.

More changes lie ahead that make it important for those getting subsidies in 2026 to track their income and take steps to protect against that kind of financial hit.

First, the basics of how the subsidies work.

Enrollees pay a percentage of their household income toward their health insurance premiums based on a sliding scale, ranging in 2025 from nothing for very low-income people to 8.5% at higher income levels. Subsidies, usually paid directly to insurers, cover the rest.

The income calculation done during open enrollment is an estimate of what a household thinks it will earn in the coming year. At tax time, ACA enrollees must reconcile what they received in subsidies with what they actually earned. If their income rose, they might owe some of the subsidies back.

But don’t skip filing! People who get ACA subsidies must file tax returns no matter their income, and that is becoming even more important: The Trump administration people from subsidy eligibility if they have gone two consecutive years without filing, and it is proposing lowering that to one year.

Beware Surprise Tax Bills

All enrollees who received subsidies for ACA coverage in 2025 — — need to include a special form, the , with their tax filings. That form is used to reconcile a person’s actual income with the amount of subsidies they received, information the IRS mails them on a separate, . Subsidy amounts are based in part on the income projections they made when they enrolled in their ACA plans.

And that can lead to surprises. Some may find they get money back if their income was less than they estimated. But, if their income went above their initial or updated estimates, they probably qualify for less in assistance and will have to pay money back.

Groups that help people file their taxes say it’s not always easy for people to accurately estimate their income for the year ahead, especially those who run their own businesses, work multiple jobs, or have work that comes with varying hours.

Clients will say, “I can make anywhere between $20,000 and $45,000 next year. I just don’t know,” said Katie Alexander, director of training and volunteers for the health and economic opportunity program at Pisgah Legal Services, a western North Carolina nonprofit that provides free tax and health insurance help to people with low incomes.

Still, for taxes being filed now for the 2025 tax year, on what many people must repay.

That cap is $375 for a single individual who earned less than $31,300 in 2025, or . The maximum owed under that sliding scale for people whose income is on the higher end of the range is $1,625 for an individual and $3,250 for a family.

There is no repayment cap for people earning more than four times the federal poverty level — totaling $62,600 in 2025 for an individual or $106,600 for a family of three — so they could owe back all amounts that exceeded their eligibility.

“The amount is just so staggering for folks,” Alexander said.

One woman whom Pisgah staff helped with pulling together her taxes for 2025 made just above $50,000, which was more than she initially estimated. Her repayment was capped at $1,625, Alexander said. Without that cap, she would have owed $4,000, a substantial chunk of her annual income.

Plan Ahead: The Rules Will Be Tougher Next Tax Season

Congressional Republicans’ One Big Beautiful Bill Act, signed into law by President Donald Trump last summer, . That means come next year’s tax season, there will be no sliding-scale limit to how much people could owe back in subsidies for 2026 if their income exceeds their projections.

“That’s just going to be absolutely devastating,” Alexander said.

There are at least two other things to keep in mind, both stemming from covid-era enhanced tax credits, which expired at the end of last year because Congress did not extend them. One is that the amount of household income people must pay toward their premiums this year before subsidies kick in has risen to just over 2% on the low end of the income scale and up to nearly 10% for higher-income earners.

The second is that households earning over four times the federal poverty level no longer qualify for ACA subsidies.

The biggest financial hit could be felt by enrollees whose income rises enough during the year to exceed four times the poverty level. In that case, they would owe back all the subsidies they receive in 2026.

And that could be a lot.

In 2025, for example, the average monthly premium for ACA coverage was $619, but the average enrollee received subsidies worth enough to offset all but $74 of that, according to the .

There’s another twist for some. Because the enhanced credits were not extended, people are paying, on average, double the amount toward their premiums this year, so they may be looking to add to their incomes to cover the cost. A found that 43% of people who remained enrolled in coverage this year are planning to work more hours or get additional work to cover those costs.

“That makes sense, but it can also present a risk of being eligible for less subsidy money than they thought, or even mean they would have to repay the entire tax credit,” said Cynthia Cox, senior vice president and director of the Program on the ACA at KFF, a health information nonprofit that includes ��ϳԹ�� News.

People can update their projected income at the marketplace website as it changes during the year.

Pisgah staff are calling people they’ve worked with and saying, “Please, please, please, if your income changes, call us so we can adjust your income through the marketplace,” Alexander said.

As much as possible, keep track of income during the year. This isn’t easy, especially for workers who don’t have a job with regular paychecks.

“If you’re meeting with a CPA to talk about taxes, have a conversation to make sure you’re making enough money to afford your costs, but not too much to lose eligibility for a subsidy,” Cox said. “Contributing toward a retirement plan or a health savings account can lower part of your income that counts toward subsidy eligibility.”

Others might choose to dial back their work hours or forgo a new client contract.

“If taking that extra shift means putting you over the line of 400% of the federal poverty level and that’s going to cost you $10,000 in repayments, maybe don’t take that shift,” said Jason Levitis, a senior fellow at the Urban Institute who follows ACA and tax policy issues.

Are you struggling to afford your health insurance? Have you decided to forgo coverage? to contact ��ϳԹ�� News and share your story.

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What About the State of Health?

Thu, 26 Feb 2026 19:30:24 +0000

The Host

Julie Rovner ��ϳԹ�� News Read Julie's stories. Julie Rovner is chief Washington correspondent and host of ��ϳԹ�� News’ weekly health policy news podcast, "What the Health?" A noted expert on health policy issues, Julie is the author of the critically praised reference book "Health Care Politics and Policy A to Z," now in its third edition.

After urging Republicans earlier this year to make health care a central issue in their midterm campaigns, President Donald Trump gave the issue only passing mention in his record-long State of the Union address this week.

Meanwhile, Trump’s nominee to become U.S. surgeon general, Casey Means, a favorite of the “Make America Healthy Again” movement, got her long-delayed hearing before a Senate committee this week. Means’ nomination has been controversial not only because of her outside-the-mainstream medical views but also because she would be the first surgeon general without an active medical license.

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of ��ϳԹ�� News, Alice Miranda Ollstein of Politico, Sheryl Gay Stolberg of The New York Times, and Lauren Weber of The Washington Post.

Panelists

Alice Miranda Ollstein Politico

Sheryl Gay Stolberg The New York Times

Lauren Weber The Washington Post

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

Trump devoted little of the State of the Union to health care, even though affordability is top of mind for voters. The topics he did address, briefly, included lowering drug prices — an effort that has yielded some benefit for some people — and, notably, fraud. The next day, the administration announced it would withhold Medicaid funding for Minnesota over fraud allegations. While fraud is a serious, persistent problem for Medicaid, which covers those who are low-income and disabled, withholding federal funds from a single, Democratic-led state is a major step that puts other states on edge.
Means, Trump’s nominee for surgeon general, on Wednesday appeared before senators to make her case for confirmation. A central figure in the MAHA movement, Means was smooth and gracious in her presentation, yet there were worrying signs for public health — she declined to endorse the seasonal flu vaccine, for instance. She also faces questions about her medical credentials, a key qualification in particular for someone who would serve as the head of the Public Health Service Commissioned Corps.
The issue of abortion access was downplayed in Trump’s State of the Union and Means’ nomination hearing, reinforcing how times have changed since the first Trump administration — and raising questions about whether voters who strongly oppose abortion will be motivated to turn out for the midterm elections. Instead, Trump discussed fertility drugs during his speech, and Means expressed what she said are her concerns about the risks of oral contraceptives.

Plus, for “extra credit” the panelists suggest health policy stories they read (or wrote) this week that they think you should read, too:

Julie Rovner: ��ϳԹ�� News’ “When It Comes to Health Insurance, Federal Dollars Support More Than ACA Plans,” by Julie Appleby.

Sheryl Gay Stolberg: ProPublica’s “,” by Jennifer Berry Hawes.

Lauren Weber: The Washington Post’s “,” by Lauren Weber, Lena H. Sun, and Caitlin Gilbert.

Alice Miranda Ollstein: Stat’s “,” by Daniel Payne and Lizzy Lawrence.

Also mentioned in this week’s podcast:

The Wall Street Journal’s “,” by The Journal’s editorial board.
Stat’s “,” by Helen Branswell.
The Washington Post’s “,” by Rachel Roubein and Lauren Weber.
The New York Times’ “” by Sheryl Gay Stolberg and Hiroko Tabuchi.

Click to open the transcript Transcript: What About the State of Health?

This California Strategy Safeguarded Some Medicaid Social Services Funding From Trump

Mark Kreidler — Tue, 13 Jan 2026 10:00:00 +0000

When Virginia Guevara moved into a studio apartment in California’s Orange County in 2024 after nearly a decade of homelessness, she needed far more than a roof and a bed.

Scattered visits to free clinics notwithstanding, Guevara hadn’t had a full medical checkup in years. She required dental work. She wanted to start looking for a job. And she was overwhelmed by the maze of paperwork needed simply to get her off the street, much less to make any of the other things happen.

But Guevara had help. The Jamboree Housing Corp., an affordable-housing nonprofit that renovated the former Stanton, California, hotel Guevara now calls home, didn’t just move her in — it also provided her a fleet of wraparound services. Jamboree counselors helped Guevara navigate the health care system to see a doctor and a dentist, buy a few things for her apartment, and get training to become a caregiver.

“I was years on the street before I got the kind of help I needed so I could help myself,” said Guevara, 68.

Amid the Trump administration’s apparent opposition to using Medicaid funding for such social services, staffers at Jamboree and similar affordable housing providers in California have been worried about losing federal money, particularly as the experimental waivers that provide the primary funding for the program they rely on expire at the end of 2026. But as it turns out, the state had the foresight several years ago to designate certain nonhousing social services, such as mental health care, drug counseling, and job training, as a form of Medicaid spending that will continue to be reimbursed.

Catherine Howden, a spokesperson for the federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, confirmed that California’s use of the “in lieu of services” classification for these wraparound programs is allowed under federal regulations.

“It is starting to sound positive that we will, at the very least, be able to continue billing for these services after the waiver period,” said Natalie Reider, a senior vice president at Jamboree Housing.

During President Donald Trump’s first term, states were permitted to use Medicaid money for social support services not typically covered by health insurance. But the second Trump administration is reeling that policy back in, saying that the intervening Biden administration took the supportive services process too far. Howden said in a statement that the policy “distracted the Medicaid program from its core mission: providing excellent health outcomes for vulnerable Americans.”

Through CalAIM, a five-year experimental build-out of the Medicaid system, programs like Jamboree were able to leverage federal funding to offer the kinds of nonhousing social services that experts contend are essential to keeping people permanently housed.

However, these wraparound services are only one component of the CalAIM initiative, which is attempting to take Medicaid, known as Medi-Cal in California, in a more holistic direction across all areas of care. And when CalAIM launched, California officials gave the programs the Medicaid “in lieu of services” designation, known as ILOS, effectively putting them outside the waiver process and ensuring that even when CalAIM sunsets, money for those social initiatives will continue to flow.

“California has tried to future-proof many of the policy changes it has made in Medi-Cal by including them in mechanisms like ILOS that do not require federal waiver approval,” said Larry Levitt, executive vice president for health policy at KFF, a health information nonprofit that includes ��ϳԹ�� News. “That allows these policy changes to continue, even with a politically hostile federal administration.”

The designation allows these social services to be funded through Medicaid managed-care plans under existing federal laws because they are cost-effective substitutes for a Medicaid service or reduce the likelihood of patients needing other Medicaid-covered health care services, said Glenn Tsang, policy adviser for homelessness and housing at the state’s Department of Health Care Services. The state could not provide an estimate of the annual funding for these wraparound services because they are not distinguished from other payments made to Medicaid managed-care plans.

“We are full steam ahead with these services,” Tsang said, “and they are authorized.”

Although California was the first state to incorporate the designation for such housing and other health-related social support, Tsang said, several other states — including Arizona, Arkansas, Florida, New York, and North Carolina — are now using the mechanism in a similar fashion.

Early results suggest such support saves on health care spending. When Jamboree, in Northern California, in the Central Valley, and other permanent supportive housing providers employ a holistic approach that includes social services, they have reported higher rates of formerly homeless people remaining in housing, less frequent use of costly emergency health services, and more residents landing jobs that help them pay rent and stay housed.

At the nonprofit MidPen Housing, which serves 12 counties in and around the San Francisco Bay Area, roughly 40% of the units in the program’s pipeline are earmarked for “extremely low-income” people, a group that includes the homeless, said Danielle McCluskey, senior director of resident services.

CalAIM reimbursements help fund the part of MidPen that focuses on supportive services across a wide range of experiences, from chronic homelessness to mental health issues to those leaving the foster care system. McCluskey described it as one leg of a three-legged stool, the others being real estate development and property management.

“If any of those legs are not getting what they need, if they’re not funded or not staffed or resourced, then that stool is kind of wobbly — off-kilter,” the director said.

A recent found that people who used at least one of the housing support services — including navigation into new housing, health care assistance, and a deposit to secure an apartment — saw a 13% reduction in emergency department visits and a 24% reduction in inpatient admissions in the six months that followed.

Documenting those outcomes is critical because the department needs to show federal officials that the services lessen the need for other, often costlier Medicaid-covered care — the essence of the classification.

Advocates for the inclusion of supportive services argue that the American system ultimately saves money on those investments. As California’s homeless population to more than 187,000 on a given night — nearly a quarter of the U.S. total — Jamboree has been allocating more of its resources to permanent supportive housing.

Founded in 1990 in Orange County, Jamboree builds various types of affordable housing using federal, state, and private funding. Reider said about a fifth of the organization’s portfolio is dedicated to permanent supportive housing.

“They’re not going back out to the streets. They’re not going to jail. They’re not going to the hospitals,” Reider said. “Keeping people housed is the No. 1 outcome, and it is the cost-saver, right? We’re using Medicaid dollars, but we’re saving the system money in the long run.”

Job counselors provided by Jamboree Housing Corp. helped Guevara find work as a caregiver. (Juan Tallo/Jamboree Housing Corporation)

Guevara, who wound up on the streets after a falling-out with family in 2015, spent years living out of her truck before a shelter worker connected her with Jamboree. There, she was paired with a specialist to help her figure out how to get and see a doctor, and to keep up with scheduling the battery of medical tests she needed after years spent living in temporary shelters.

“I also got a job developer, who helped me get this job with the county so I can pay my rent,” Guevara said of her position as a part-time in-home caregiver. “Now I take care of people kind of the same way people have been taking care of me.”

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Homeless Shelters for Seniors Pop Up, Catering to Older Adults’ Medical Needs

Aaron Bolton, MTPR — Wed, 07 Jan 2026 10:00:00 +0000

SANDY, Utah — Just outside Salt Lake City sits an old, two-story, brick hotel. It’s been given new life as a homeless shelter for seniors. The Medically Vulnerable People shelter — or , as it’s known — is for people 62 and older or for younger adults with chronic health issues.

Residents share rooms designed to be accessible to those with mobility issues. There are also private bathrooms, which are a big deal for seniors struggling with incontinence.

Unlike the MVP, most homeless shelters aren’t equipped to help seniors, especially those 65 and older. They are the fastest-growing homeless population nationwide, according to , a researcher at the University of Pennsylvania. Not only are people who struggle with chronic homelessness aging, but many seniors are becoming homeless for the first time in their lives.

Getting in and out of bunks, managing medications, and making it to a shared bathroom in time are among the major challenges of shelter life for older adults. Staff at traditional shelters sometimes ask seniors to leave if they’re unable to care for themselves.

The MVP is unusual among shelters because it provides on-site medical care to better serve its residents as they age.

Last spring, Jamie Mangum, who is in her 50s and has lung cancer, tripped and fell in her room. To visit with an emergency medical technician, she needed only to make it downstairs. Her swollen wrist was quickly wrapped, and she returned to her room. She said that wouldn’t have been possible at other shelters she’s stayed in.

“There, I’d have to wait hours as opposed to come in here, be seen,” Mangum said.

Mangum said that in other shelters she’d likely have had to find her own way to an urgent care office or get an ambulance ride. Specialized case managers at the MVP have helped her get treatment for lung cancer as well.

“We have clients that need memory care. Maybe they were living independently before, but they were unable to maintain that and got evicted due to dementia or different things like that,” said Baleigh Dellos, who manages the MVP shelter for , a local nonprofit.

Specialized medical case managers work at the shelter. Primary care doctors and therapists visit weekly. Residents can even receive physical therapy in private spaces on-site.

On-site emergency medical technician Emily Woolsey wraps the swollen wrist of MVP shelter resident Jamie Mangum after a fall. Mangum says that in other shelters, she’d likely have had to find her own way to an urgent care office to get treatment. She credits the shelter for helping her deal with all her medical issues. (Aaron Bolton/Montana Public Radio)

A Path to Stability

The MVP partnered with the to offer medical care.

The first thing most new residents need help with is medication, said Matt Haroldsen with the Fourth Street Clinic, which provides health services at the shelter.

For people living on the streets, just keeping hold of regular medications is a challenge. “Their medications get jacked when they’re in their camps,” he said.

Diabetes patients without homes often bury their insulin to keep it cold. Haroldsen said they might forget where they buried it, or the vials might get too warm and spoil.

Helping residents at the shelter get those medications can stabilize their conditions, allowing them to focus on other priorities, such as getting an ID and other documents they need to apply for disability, Social Security, and various programs that can help them secure housing.

Nonprofits and local governments have opened similar shelters in Florida, California, and Arizona to meet the needs of older unhoused adults.

Having access to specialized shelters can be the difference between life and death, said , assistant director of the National Health Care for the Homeless Council.

In cold-weather states, denying seniors a bed because of mobility and other health issues can be especially risky. In 2022, a Bozeman, Montana, after he was asked to leave a shelter because of incontinence.

Complex medical needs can pose a danger to other residents that most shelters aren’t prepared to manage.

“A typical shelter doesn’t allow somebody on oxygen to come in because that’s such a fire hazard and risk,” she said.

Synovec said giving seniors better access to health care inside shelters is the best way to help them succeed once they get housing. Health issues are a common reason seniors can’t afford or maintain housing, she said.

A Growing Model

The MVP model is showing promise, both in Utah and elsewhere.

“Over 80% of the people who’ve stayed in our program this past year have moved into stable or permanent housing,” said , vice president of programs for the TaskForce for Ending Homelessness in Fort Lauderdale, Florida. The nonprofit runs a shelter called .

The MVP shelter near Salt Lake City is also marking success. It was able to permanently house 36 seniors as of late last year.

Still, there are more seniors in need of shelter than it can accommodate. Dellos, the shelter’s manager, said the MVP’s waitlist hovers around 200 people. She said the shelter prioritizes people based on medical need, not time spent on the waitlist.

For residents who do get a room, it’s life-changing.

Last spring, 62-year-old Jeff Gregg was playing fetch with his dog, Ruffy, just beyond the lawn in front of the MVP.

An old back injury forced Gregg to hunch over as he threw the ball. It also fueled a decades-long addiction to opioids. That cycle was hard to escape, he said.

Jeff Gregg plays fetch with his dog, Ruffy, outside the MVP shelter in Sandy, Utah. He says the specialized medical services helped him stop using opioids and get surgery for chronic back pain. He hopes that will allow him to get a job and afford an apartment. (Aaron Bolton/Montana Public Radio)

“Fighting that, having a job, insurance, then losing the job, not having insurance, going out to the streets and being back in that crap, and I’d be back in the same position,” he said.

Gregg said sobriety took a back seat to more immediate needs like finding food and a bed in a shelter. He said the MVP was the first place where he could relax and focus on recovery.

“I was able to get clean. It took me a couple months, but I just kept plucking away,” he said.

He said the experience paved the way for him to get back surgery. He hopes that with less back pain, he can eventually get a job to help him afford an apartment.

This article is part of a partnership with and .

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Trump Wants Americans To Make More Babies. Critics Say His Policies Won’t Help Raise Them.

Stephanie Armour — Wed, 03 Dec 2025 10:00:00 +0000

Maddy Olcott plans to start a career once she graduates from college. But the junior at the State University of New York-Purchase College is so far not planning to start a family — even with the Trump administration dangling inducements like thousand-dollar “baby bonuses” or cheaper infertility drugs.

“Our country wants us to be birthing machines, but they’re cutting what resources there already are,” said Olcott, 20. “And a $1,000 baby bonus? It’s low-key like, what, bro? That wouldn’t even cover my month’s rent.”

The Trump administration wants Americans to have more babies, and the federal government is debuting policy initiatives to reverse the falling U.S. fertility rate. In mid-October, the White House unveiled a plan to to in vitro fertilization treatment. President Donald Trump has , calling himself “the .”

But reproductive rights groups and other advocacy organizations say these efforts to buttress the birth rate don’t make up for broader administration priorities aimed at cutting federal programs such as Medicaid, its related Children’s Health Insurance Program, and other initiatives that support women and children. The pro-family focus, they say, isn’t just about boosting procreation. Instead, they say, it’s being weaponized to push a conservative agenda that threatens women’s health, reproductive rights, and labor force participation.

Some predict these efforts could deter parenthood and lead to increases in maternal mortality.

“The religious right wants more white Christian babies and is trying to curtail women’s reproductive freedom in order to achieve that aim,” said , a spokesperson for Population Connection, a nonprofit that promotes population stabilization through increased access to birth control and abortion. “The real danger is the constant whittling down of reproductive rights.”

The White House did not respond to repeated interview requests.

A slate of federal programs that have long helped women and children are also being targeted by Trump and Cabinet members who say they champion pronatalist policies.

Medicaid work requirements, for instance, put in place by the Republicans’ One Big Beautiful Bill Act, a budget law enacted in July, will lead to extra paperwork and other requirements that, according to the , will cause to lose coverage. Medicaid covers more than in the U.S.

The measure also cuts federal funding for a national program that provides monthly food benefits. Almost in fiscal 2023 were children.

GOP spending cuts and staffing freezes have , a federal education program that provides day care and preschool for young, low-income children, even as U.S. adults implore the government to .

And the GOP halted Medicaid funding to Planned Parenthood of America for one year because it provides abortion services, forcing around the country to close since the beginning of 2025. Planned Parenthood provides a wide range of women’s health services, from wellness exams to breast cancer screenings and .

Groups that advocate for women’s health and reproductive rights say the actions by the administration and congressional Republicans to attack these programs are making it harder for families to get the support and medical care they need.

“There is a lot of rhetoric about who is worthy of public assistance, and to many policymakers, it’s not the single mother,” said , a public health law and policy analyst at the Milken Institute School of Public Health at George Washington University.

The pronatalist perspective generally supports government intervention to encourage procreation and is rooted in a belief that modern culture has failed to celebrate the nuclear family. The movement’s supporters also say policies to encourage childbearing are an economic necessity.

A Declining Birth Rate

The has largely been on a downward trajectory since 2007, with the number of births declining by an average 2% per year from 2015 through 2020, according to the , although the rate has fluctuated since.

The concepts that shape the movement can be found in Project 2025, a political initiative led by the conservative Heritage Foundation that has seen many of its proposals adopted by Trump. The document asserts that in a “heterosexual, intact marriage.”

“Married men and women are the ideal, natural family structure because all children have a right to be raised by the men and women who conceived them,” it says.

Project 2025 also includes many proposals that critics say aren’t friendly toward women’s health. For instance, it calls for eliminating access to mifepristone, a drug commonly used in abortions as well as in the management of miscarriages, and encourages states to block Planned Parenthood facilities from receiving Medicaid funding.

The “more babies” mantra is being embraced at the highest levels of the federal government.

“I can’t remember any other administration being so tied to the pronatalist movement,” said Brian Dixon, Population Connection’s senior vice president for government and political affairs.

Just days after he was sworn in, Vice President JD Vance declared, “I want in the United States of America.” He has also criticized of women and men who opt not to start families.

The White House in October did announce a discount on certain drugs used in through , a yet-to-debut government website that aims to connect consumers with lower-priced drugs. Mehmet Oz, who heads Medicare and Medicaid, heralded a possible future of “,” resulting from the lower-priced infertility drugs.

The administration also announced it would encourage employers to move to a new model for as a stand-alone option in which employees can enroll. But that is far from Trump’s earlier pledge to make infertility treatments free and may not be enough to overcome other long-term financial worries that often guide decisions about whether to have children.

Angel Albring, a mother of six, says her dream of having a big family always hinged on her ability to work and avoid child care costs. Her career as a freelance writer enabled her to do so while still contributing to the family’s income, working during nap times and at night, while the rest of her household slept.

“The whole thing of ‘sleep when the baby sleeps’ never applied to me,” Albring said.

Some of her friends, though, aren’t so fortunate. They fear they cannot afford children because of climbing costs for day care, groceries, and housing, she said.

Delivering on ‘Baby Bonuses’?

The Trump administration, meanwhile, has advanced another policy aimed at giving children a future financial boost.

The One Big Beautiful Bill Act establishes a tax-advantaged “” seeded with $1,000 in federal funds — often called a “baby bonus” — on behalf of every eligible American child. The initial deposits are scheduled to start in 2026 with the federal government automatically opening an account for children born after Dec. 31, 2024, and before Jan. 1, 2029.

Parents could contribute up to $5,000 a year initially to the account, with employers able to annually of that amount. The accounts reportedly would be vehicles for long-term savings. Details are still being ironed out, but funds could not be withdrawn before the child turns 18. After that, the accounts would likely become traditional IRAs.

On Tuesday, billionaires Michael and Susan Dell of Dell computer fame said they would give $250 to 25 million children age 10 and under in the U.S. The donations will be aimed at encouraging participation in the Trump accounts.

Pronatalism extends to other parts of the federal government, too.

Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy, who has , instructed his department to prioritize federal funds for communities with , though it has not yet announced any projects directly related to the initiative. For a time, the administration considered bestowing on mothers with six or more children.

Except there’s one hitch: Data suggests the policies and programs the Trump administration has proposed won’t necessarily work.

Other countries have offered more robust programs to encourage childbearing and ease parenting but haven’t seen their birth rates go up, noted Michael Geruso, an economist for the University of Texas-Austin who hopes to see the global population increase. Israel, for example, has offered free IVF treatment for roughly three decades, yet its birth rates have stayed statistically stagnant, at just under three children for every woman, he said.

France and Sweden have extensive social safety-net programs to support families, including paid time off and paid paternity and maternity leave, and subsidized child care and health care, but their fertility rates are also falling, said Peggy O’Donnell Heffington, a University of Chicago assistant senior instructional professor in the history department who wrote a book on non-motherhood.

“Nobody yet knows how to avoid depopulation,” Geruso said.

Some point to a different solution to reverse the United States’ declining population: to ensure a younger labor force and stronger tax base. The Trump administration, however, is doing the opposite — revoking visas and creating an environment in which immigrants who are in the U.S. legally feel increasingly uncomfortable because of heavy-handed policies, analysts say.

The country’s this year fell for the since the 1960s, according to a Pew Research Center analysis.

Meanwhile, to critics of the administration, the focus on encouraging childbirth allows the Trump administration and Republicans to sound as if they support families.

“You’re not seeing policies that support families with children,” said , vice president of income security and child care at the National Women’s Law Center, a nonprofit focused on gender rights. “It’s a white, heterosexual, fundamentalist Christian, two-parent marriage that’s being held up.”

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The Price Increases That Should Cause Americans More Alarm

Elisabeth Rosenthal — Fri, 22 Aug 2025 09:00:00 +0000

Wary of inflation, Americans have been watching the prices of everyday items such as eggs and gasoline. A less-noticed expense should cause greater alarm: rising premiums for health insurance. They have been for years and are now rising faster than ever.

Consider that, from 2000 to 2020, fluctuated between just under $1 and about $3 a dozen; they reached $6.23 in March but then fell to $3.78 in June. Average , after seesawing between $2 and $4 a gallon for more than a decade starting in 2005, peaked at $4.93 in 2022 and recently fell back to just over $3.

Meanwhile, since 1999, health insurance premiums for people with employer-provided coverage have . From 2023 to 2024 alone, they rose more than 6% for both individuals and family coverage — and overall inflation.

For many people who have the kind of insurance plans created by the Affordable Care Act (because they work for small companies or insure themselves), rates have probably risen even more drastically. In this market, insurers’ proposed rate increases, but only if they exceed 15%.

And the situation is about to get worse: For 2026, ACA marketplace insurers have proposed : In New York, UnitedHealthcare has proposed a 66.4% rise. HMO Colorado has asked for an average increase of in that state. In Washington, the across all insurers is 21.2%, and in Rhode Island it’s 23.7%.

According to Business Group on Health, a consortium of major employers, “actual health care costs have since 2017.” In a published in 2021, 87% of companies said that in the next five to 10 years, the cost of providing health insurance for their workers would become “unsustainable.”

And insurers in the ACA marketplace are increasing premiums by an average of 20% for next year, according to a . Imagine if tens of millions of Americans’ rent or mortgage payments were to suddenly increase by that amount.

Insurance regulators theoretically that these proposed rates be lowered — and this often happens. But some states are more active than others in this regard. And all are wary that too much regulatory interference could drive insurers from their markets.

Insurers offer many explanations for their calculations, some of which are tied to recent actions by Congress and President Donald Trump. New tariffs on America’s trading partners, for example, are expected to push up the cost of drugs and medical supplies.

Meanwhile, included in the GOP budget bill, along with the expiration of some Biden-era premium subsidies at the end of this year, will cause many people to lose their health insurance. About are expected to become uninsured by 2034, in many cases because keeping insurance will become unaffordable.

Because most of these people are likely to be young and/or healthy, the “risk pool” of those remaining insured will become older and sicker — and therefore .

“Ultimately, we believe the ACA market will likely be smaller and higher acuity-driven next year,” Janey Kiryluik, vice president of corporate communications for Elevance Health (formerly known as Anthem), wrote in an email. She added: “Our position reflects early disciplined action.”

Remember, most insurers in the United States are public, for-profit companies; as such, they tend to act in the interests of their shareholders, not the patients whose health care they cover.

Large employers that manage their own health care plans might be able to negotiate better deals for their workers. But smaller companies, for the most part, will need to accept what’s on offer.

Premiums are not the only part of health insurance that’s getting more expensive. Deductibles — the money that beneficiaries must spend out-of-pocket before insurance kicks in — are also rising. The average deductible for a standard ACA silver plan in 2025 , about double what it was in 2014. (For those with employer-based insurance, the average number is .)

A few states are trying to stem the tide by offering a state-run “public option,” a basic affordable insurance plan that patients can choose. But they because a lower payment rate for workers generally means fewer participating providers and reduced access to care.

If voters paid as much attention to the price of health insurance as they do to the cost of gas and eggs, maybe elected officials would respond with more action.

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Health Care Groups Aim To Counter Growing ‘National Scandal’ of Elder Homelessness

Felice J. Freyer — Mon, 18 Aug 2025 09:00:00 +0000

Rachel Nassif, day center director at the PACE Organization of Rhode Island, with program participant Roberta Rabinovitz. Rabinovitz goes to the center, in East Providence, for all her medical care, and an occasional lunch. PACE also set her up with a studio apartment in an assisted living facility in Bristol. (Felice J. Freyer for ��ϳԹ�� News)

BRISTOL, R.I. — At age 82, Roberta Rabinovitz realized she had no place to go. A widow, she had lost both her daughters to cancer, after living with one and then the other, nursing them until their deaths. Then she moved in with her brother in Florida, until he also died.

And so last fall, while recovering from lung cancer, Rabinovitz ended up at her grandson’s home in Burrillville, Rhode Island, where she slept on the couch and struggled to navigate the steep staircase to the shower. That wasn’t sustainable, and with apartment rents out of reach, Rabinovitz joined the growing population of older Americans unsure of where to lay their heads at night.

But Rabinovitz was fortunate. She found a place to live, through what might seem an unlikely source — a health care nonprofit, the . Around the country, arranging for housing is a relatively new and growing challenge for such PACE groups, which are funded through Medicaid and Medicare. PACE stands for a Program of All-Inclusive Care for the Elderly, and the organizations aim to keep frail, older people in their homes. But a patient can’t stay at home if they don’t have one.

As housing costs rise, organizations responsible for people’s medical care are realizing that to ensure their clients have a place to live, they must venture outside their lanes. Even hospitals — in Denver, , and — have started investing in housing, recognizing that health isn’t possible without it.

And among older adults, the need is especially growing. In the U.S., who were homeless in 2024 were 55 or older, with the total older homeless population up 6% from the previous year. a University of Pennsylvania professor who specializes in homelessness and housing policy, older than 60 living in shelters roughly tripled from 2000 to 2020.

“It’s a national scandal, really, that the richest country in the world would have destitute elderly and disabled people,” Culhane said.

Over decades of research, Culhane has documented the plight of people born between 1955 and 1965 who and never got an economic foothold. Many in this group endured intermittent homelessness throughout their lives, and now their troubles are compounded by aging.

But other homeless older adults are new to the experience. Many teeter on the edge of poverty, said , CEO of USAging, a national association representing what are known as . A single incident can tip them into homelessness — the death of a spouse, job loss, a rent increase, an injury or illness. If cognitive decline starts, an older person may forget to pay their mortgage. Even those with paid-off houses often can’t afford rising property taxes and upkeep.

“No one imagines anybody living on the street at 75 or 80,” Markwood said. “But they are.”

President Donald Trump’s recent budget law, , the public insurance program for those with low incomes or disabilities, will make matters worse for older people with limited incomes, said Yolanda Stevens, program and policy analyst with the . If people lose their health coverage or their local hospital closes, it will be harder for them to maintain their health and pay the rent.

“It’s a perfect storm,” Stevens said. “It’s an unfortunate, devastating storm for our older Americans.”

Adding to the challenges, the Labor Department a job training program intended to keep low-income older people in the workforce.

Those circumstances have sent PACE health plans throughout the country into uncharted waters, prompting them to set up shop , partner with housing providers, or even to build their own.

Kriss Auger, social work and behavioral health manager at the PACE Organization of Rhode Island, outside the van used to transport participants to the PACE center in East Providence. (Felice J. Freyer for ��ϳԹ�� News)

A 1997 federal law recognized PACE organizations as a provider type for Medicare and Medicaid. Today, some 185 operate in the U.S., each serving a defined geographic area, with a total of more than .

They enroll people 55 and older who are sick enough for nursing home care, and then provide everything their patients need to stay home despite their frailty. They also run centers that function as medical clinics and adult day centers and provide transportation.

These organizations primarily serve impoverished people with complex medical conditions who are eligible for both Medicaid and Medicare. They pool money from both programs and operate within a set budget for each participant.

PACE officials worry that, as federal funding for Medicaid programs shrinks, states will curtail support. But the PACE concept has always had bipartisan support, said Robert Greenwood, a senior vice president at the , because its services are significantly less expensive than nursing home care.

The financing structure gives PACE the flexibility to do what it takes to keep participants living on their own, even if it means buying an air conditioner or taking a patient’s dog to the vet. Taking on the housing crisis is another step toward the same goal.

In the Detroit area, , which serves 2,200 participants, partners with the owners of senior housing. The landlords agree to keep the rent affordable, and PACE provides services to their tenants who are members. Housing providers “like to be full, they like their seniors cared for, and we do all of that,” said Mary Naber, president and CEO of PACE Southeast Michigan.

For participants who become too infirm to live on their own, the Michigan organization has leased a wing in an independent living center, where it provides round-the-clock supportive care. The organization also is partnering with a nonprofit developer to create a cluster of 21 shipping containers converted into little houses in Eastpointe, just outside Detroit. Still in the planning stages, Naber said, the refurbished containers will probably rent for about $1,000 to $1,100 a month.

In San Diego, the cares for chronically homeless people as they move into housing, offering not just health services but the backup needed to keep tenants in their homes, such as guidance on paying bills on time and keeping their apartments clean. St. Paul’s also helps those already in housing but clinging to precarious living arrangements, said Carol Castillon, vice president of its PACE operations, by connecting them with community resources, helping fill out forms for housing assistance, and providing meals and household items to lower expenses.

At PACE Rhode Island, which serves nearly 500 people, about 10 to 15 participants each month become homeless or at risk of homelessness, a rare situation five or six years ago, CEO Joan Kwiatkowski said.

The organization contracts with assisted living facilities, but its participants are sometimes rejected because of prior criminal records, substance use, or health care needs that the facilities feel they can’t handle. And public housing providers often have no openings.

So PACE Rhode Island is planning to buy its own housing, Kwiatkowski said. PACE also has reserved four apartments at an assisted living facility in Bristol for its participants, paying rent when they’re unoccupied. Rabinovitz moved into one recently.

Rabinovitz, who had been sleeping on her grandson’s couch, says she loves her apartment at the Franklin Court assisted living facility in Bristol. (Felice J. Freyer for ��ϳԹ�� News)

Rabinovitz had worked as a senior credit analyst for a health care company, but now her only income is her Social Security check. She keeps $120 from that check for personal supplies, and the rest goes to rent, which includes meals.

Once a week or so, Rabinovitz rides a PACE van to the organization’s center, where she gets medical care, including dental work, physical therapy, and medication — always, she said, from “incredibly loving people.” When she’s not feeling well enough to make the trek, PACE sends someone to her. Recently, a technician with a portable X-ray machine scanned her sore hip as she lay in her own bed in her new studio apartment.

“It’s tiny, but I love it,” she said of the apartment, which she’s decorated in purple, her favorite color.

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$20K Bonuses Among Latest Moves To Improve California’s Prison Mental Health System

Don Thompson — Mon, 09 Jun 2025 09:00:00 +0000

SACRAMENTO, Calif. — After decades of unsuccessful efforts to improve California prison conditions ruled unconstitutional and blamed for record-high suicides, advocates and a federal judge are betting that bonuses and better work accommodations will finally be enough to attract and keep the mental health providers needed to treat prisoners.

The funds come from nearly $200 million in federal fines imposed because of California’s lack of progress in hiring sufficient mental health staff. They are being used for hiring and retention bonuses, including an extra $20,000 for psychologists and psychiatric social workers — roles with the highest vacancy rates — and $5,000 boosts for psychiatrists and recreational therapists.

“I think it’s important to point out that this is the money that the state saved by not hiring people for these positions,” said Michael Bien, an attorney representing the roughly one-third of California prisoners with serious mental illness in a class action lawsuit. “And we know that not hiring caused suffering, harm, and even death.”

The cash is aimed at countering a scarcity of mental health workers and . State officials blame this dearth of workers for their chronic inability to meet hiring levels required by the long-running suit — a failure that led a federal judge to hold top officials in contempt of court last year. The funds are being distributed after an appeals court in March, saying staffing shortages affect whether prisoners have access to “essential, even lifesaving, care.” The spending plan was jointly developed by attorneys representing prisoners and state officials.

Janet Coffman, a professor at the University of California-San Francisco Institute for Health Policy Studies, said planned improvements in working conditions should help with hiring, but she was skeptical of the impact of bonuses.

“What I don’t see is the sustained increases, the increases in salaries over the long term, which is what I think is probably more effective for retention than one-time bonuses,” Coffman said.

The state did not take that view. Its expert witness, labor economist Erica Greulich, testifying during the 2023 trial that led to the fines, said that higher salaries were unlikely to meaningfully increase hiring.

Facing a $12 billion deficit, Gov. Gavin Newsom in May proposed across state government that would “make it extremely difficult to fill chronically vacant mental health positions,” said Abdul Johnson, chief negotiator for the bargaining unit representing health and social service professionals in prisons and other agencies. He said he believes California should add longevity pay to retain veteran workers and pay more in areas with higher costs of living.

On the face of it, the salaries for mental health positions at California prisons are competitive with the private sector’s. For example, the range for is $133,932 to $162,372, while the in California ranged from $117,630 to $137,540 last year. The most recent state contract with prison psychiatrists already includes , on top of other sweeteners, with a state salary range topping $360,000, nearly $34,000 above the California mean salary.

But California prisons are competing for behavioral health workers amid a roughly 40% shortage of psychologists and psychiatrists in the state, and that shortfall is expected . For more than a year before the court’s contempt ruling, the vacancy rate for psychologists never fell below 35% — the state is currently recruiting for nearly 300 such positions — while vacancies among social workers ranged from 17% to 29%. The court ruling said the state oversaw “adequate” staffing for psychiatrists and recreation therapists but only periodically succeeded in reducing the vacancy rate below the 10% maximum allowed. Officials are in the process of adding several new positions that are eligible for the bonuses.

Further complicating the hiring push is that other organizations recruiting these professionals can offer more competitive packages, which can include signing bonuses and other perks, according to testimony during the 2023 trial.

The state is also adopting a new hybrid work policy that allows mental health staff to spend part of their time working remotely. The policy will let the state better compete with the private sector, particularly in the remote areas where many prisons are located, Coffman said.

Money from the fines will also go to improving a working environment that the appellate decision said “often took the form of windowless converted cells in old and unheated prisons.” One-time payments ranging from $50,000 to $300,000 are going to various prison mental health programs for things like new furniture and improvements to treatment and office spaces.

“Working in a prison is difficult and dangerous work,” Johnson said. “Our members constantly face threats, physical assaults, and extremely high caseloads.”

Angela Reinhold, a supervising psychiatric social worker at the California Correctional Institution in Tehachapi, said during the 2023 hearings that her office was in a closet, featuring furniture from “1970s at best.”

She compared her situation with that of a co-worker who had recently left for a safer, higher-paying job in the private sector.

“She’s very excited that she gets a bathroom with two-ply toilet paper, not to mention the other office equipment that’s state-of-the-art, and treatment space, and an office that has a view,” Reinhold said. “She’s not risking her safety with her patients, and she gets to telework three times a week.”

Alexandra David, chief of mental health at the California Medical Facility in Vacaville, described working in buildings without adequate heating or cooling, with leaky ceilings and flooded clinical offices.

“You know, it’s an old prison. There are smells and sometimes rodents,” David said during the same hearings.

The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation did not respond to requests for comment on the spending plan.

In what Bien characterized as a bid to avoid ill will, all prison mental health workers will benefit from the new expenditures, with current employees and new hires each receiving one-time $10,000 bonuses. All corrections department employees, not just mental health workers, are also eligible for $5,000 bonuses for referrals leading to new hires in understaffed areas. The state estimates that the bonuses will cost about $44 million, although the projection does not include the referral bonuses or bonuses paid to new employees hired during the year.

Future bonuses and other incentives are likely to depend on recommendations from a court-appointed receiver who is developing a long-term plan to bring the prison mental health system up to constitutional standards.

“We do think they have to do better with money, but money alone is not the answer here,” Bien said. “And so that’s why we’re trying to do these working-conditions things, as well as bonuses.”

This article was produced by ��ϳԹ�� News, which publishes , an editorially independent service of the .��

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Meet the Florida Group Chipping Away at Public Benefits One State at a Time

Katheryn Houghton — Thu, 08 May 2025 09:00:00 +0000

PHOENIX — As an Arizona bill to block people from using government aid to buy soda headed to the governor’s desk in April, the nation’s top health official joined Arizona lawmakers in the state Capitol to celebrate its passage.

Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. said to applause that was just the start and that he wanted to for other unhealthy foods.

“We’re not going to do that overnight,” Kennedy said. “We’re going to do that in the next four years.”

Those words of caution proved prescient when Arizona’s Democratic governor, Katie Hobbs, vetoed the bill a week later. Nevertheless, state legislation to restrict what low-income people can buy using Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program benefits is gaining momentum, boosted by Kennedy’s touting it as part of his “” platform. At least 14 states have considered bills this year with similar SNAP restrictions on specific unhealthy foods such as candy, with Idaho and Utah passing such legislation as of mid-April.

Healthy food itself isn’t largely a partisan issue, and those who study nutrition tend to agree that reducing the amount of sugary food people eat is a good idea to avoid health consequences such as heart disease. But the question over the government’s role in deciding who can buy what has become political.

The organization largely behind SNAP restriction legislation is the Foundation for Government Accountability, a conservative policy think tank out of Florida, and its affiliated , which has used the name .

FGA has worked for more than a decade to reshape the nation’s public assistance programs. That includes SNAP, which federal data shows helps an average of afford food each month. It also advocates for ways to cut Medicaid, the federal-state program that connects to subsidized health care, including efforts in Idaho and Montana this year.

FGA’s proposals often seek to limit who taps into that aid and the help they receive. Those backing the group’s mission say the goal is to save tax dollars and help people lift themselves out of poverty. Critics argue that FGA’s proposals are a backdoor way to cut off aid to people who need it and that making healthy food and health care more affordable is a better fix.

Now, FGA sees more room for change under the Trump administration and the Kennedy-led health department, calling 2025 a “window of opportunity for major reform,” according to its .

A Vision for Limiting Government Benefits

Tarren Bragdon, a former Maine legislator, in 2011 to promote policies to “free millions from government dependency and open the doors for them to chase their own American Dream,” he said in a statement on FGA’s website. The main foundation as a staff of three with about $60,000 in the bank. As of 2023, it had a budget of more than $15 million and a team of roughly 64, according to the , and that’s not counting the lobbying arm.

The foundation got early funding from a grant from the , which has long backed right-leaning think tanks with ties to conservative activists including brothers Charles and David Koch.

FGA declined several interview requests for this article.

In recent years, the nonprofit a 2017 Mississippi law, the Jackson Free Press found, which intensified eligibility checks for public aid that for some applicants to qualify. It successfully pushed a 2023 effort in Idaho to for food benefits that health care advocates said led some recipients to lose access.

The same year, the group helped pass affecting eligibility in Iowa. Since those restrictions have taken effect, the has seen a record number of people show up at its pantries amid rising grocery prices and a scaling back of covid pandemic-era federal support, said Annette Hacker, a vice president at the nonprofit.

Part of the group’s strategy is to pass legislation state by state, with the idea that the crush of new laws will increase pressure on the federal government. For example, states can’t limit what food is purchased through SNAP without federal approval through a waiver process. And in the past, some of FGA’s efforts have stalled because states never got that approval.

Kennedy’s agenda now echoes some of FGA’s key messages, and he has said states can expect approval of their waivers. Meanwhile, congressional leaders are eyeing nationwide Medicaid cuts and work requirements, which FGA considers among its . The foundation also has a connection working inside the administration: Its former policy director, Sam Adolphsen, was President Donald Trump on domestic matters.

“We’re excited to fight from Topeka to Washington, D.C., as opposed to Washington, D.C., to Topeka,” , FGA’s state government affairs director, told Kansas lawmakers in February when testifying in support of SNAP legislation there.

Shaping State Policies

In the states, FGA has become known as a conservative “thought leader,” said Brian Colby, vice president of public policy for , a progressive nonprofit that provides analysis of state policy issues.

“Conservatives used to try to chop away at the federal budget,” Colby said. “These guys are doing it at the state level.”

In its 14 years, FGA has created a playbook to shape state policy discussions around public benefits behind the scenes. In Montana, retired Republican legislator , who worked with FGA, said not all of the think tank’s ideas split along party lines.

“They offer a buffet of options,” he said. “Their agenda is making government accountable; it’s in the name.”

He said besides drafting legislation, FGA provides talking points and data to help policymakers support their arguments. “They would go in and would say, ‘This is what Medicaid fraud is costing us,’” Smith said. “That would be the number you’d want to use in your bill.”

In January, FGA released a memo for states to “.” In February, that Wyoming Republican state Rep. said the group asked him to sponsor a SNAP restriction bill. The state sponsor of similar legislation in Missouri has repeated at least one of FGA’s talking points, as . In Arizona, Republican Rep. , who sponsored the SNAP legislation there, told ��ϳԹ�� News FGA was behind that bill as well.

Opponents of such bills argue the proposals are not as simple as they sound. Amid debate on a SNAP bill in Montana, Kiera Condon, with the , testified the legislation would force grocery store workers to sort through what counts as soda or candy, “which could result in retailers not participating in SNAP at all.”

State lawmakers tabled the .

Montana legislators also easily passed a bill to extend the state’s Medicaid expansion program even after FGA began publishing a series of papers that asserted the Montana’s budget. FGA had presented data saying most Montanans on the program don’t work, which .

, who leads food aid strategies at the left-leaning Center on Budget and Policy Priorities think tank, said FGA has a pattern of proposing technical changes to existing laws and “unworkable work requirements” that cause people to lose benefits.

After working with policymakers in Kansas for a decade, FGA helped pass legislation that limited how long people can access cash assistance, added work requirements to SNAP, and banned the state from spending federal or state funds to promote public aid. Many of those changes came through 2015 legislation known as the “HOPE Act” drafted by FGA, .

, an advocacy organization for low-income Kansans, found the SNAP caseload sharply declined after the bill was enacted because of the new hurdles, dropping from 140,000 households in January 2014 to 90,000 as of January 2020.

“It’s death by a thousand cuts,” said Karen Siebert, an , a community food bank network in Kansas and Missouri. “Some of these FGA proposals are such complex policies, it’s hard to argue against and to explain the ripple effects.”

In 2024, the foundation produced more than two dozen videos featuring state politicians from across the nation touting the organization’s goals and dozens of research papers arguing public benefits are wrecking state budgets. FGA also has its to produce data out of the states it’s working to influence.

The organization released a list of 14 states it places to exert more influence. That included Idaho, where the group has four registered lobbyists in the state Capitol.

In 2023, FGA and successfully lobby for legislation there to require people receiving food aid to work at least 80 hours a month. The organization called the resulting law “landmark welfare reform” years in the making.

And this year, Idaho lawmakers passed more requirements for people enrolled in Medicaid who can work. FGA staffers worked with one of the co-sponsors of the legislation on a similar bill last year that failed, then again this year. A compromise bill passed with FGA’s backing, marking another victory for the foundation.

David Lehman, a lobbyist for the , which represents health organizations that have opposed FGA bills, said Idaho illustrates how FGA works with sympathetic lawmakers in conservative states to gain more ground.

“They’re pushing an already rolling rock downhill,” he said.

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Federal Cuts Gut Food Banks as They Face Record Demand

Jazmin Orozco Rodriguez — Thu, 01 May 2025 09:00:00 +0000

Food bank shortages caused by high demand and cuts to federal aid programs have some residents of a small community that straddles Idaho and Nevada growing their own food to get by.

For those living in Duck Valley, a reservation of about 1,000 people that is , there’s just one grocery store where prices are too high for many to afford, said Brandy Bull Chief, local director of a federal food distribution program for tribes. The next-closest grocery stores are more than 100 miles away in Mountain Home, Idaho, and Elko, Nevada. And the local food bank’s troubles are mirrored by many nationwide, squeezed between growing need and shrinking aid.

Reggie Premo, a community outreach specialist at the University of Nevada-Reno Extension, grew up cattle ranching and farming alfalfa in Duck Valley. He runs workshops to teach residents to grow produce. Premo said he has seen increased interest from tribal leaders in the state worried about high costs while living in food deserts.

“We’re just trying to bring back how it used to be in the old days,” Premo said, “when families used to grow gardens.”

Reggie Premo and a small team from the University of Nevada-Reno Extension host workshops on gardening and creating hoop houses, similar to greenhouses, to help tribes statewide increase food security. (Jazmin Orozco Rodriguez/��ϳԹ�� News)

Food bank managers across the country say their supplies have been strained by since the covid pandemic-era emergency Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program benefits ended two years ago and steepening food prices. Now, they say, demand is compounded by recent cuts in federal funding to food distribution programs that supply staple food items to pantries nationwide.

In March, the U.S. Department of Agriculture cut $500 million from the Emergency Food Assistance Program, which buys food from domestic producers and sends it to pantries nationwide. The program has supplied more than 20% of the distributions by Feeding America, a nonprofit that serves a network of over 200 food banks and 60,000 meal programs.

The collision between rising demand and falling support is especially problematic for rural communities, where the federal program might cover 50% or more of food supplied to those in need, said Vince Hall, chief government relations officer of Feeding America. Deepening the challenge for local food aid organizations is an additional $500 million the Trump administration slashed from the USDA Local Food Purchase Assistance Cooperative Agreement Program, which helped state, tribal, and territorial governments buy fresh food from nearby producers.

“The urgency of this crisis cannot be overstated,” Hall said, adding that the Emergency Food Assistance Program is “rural America’s hunger lifeline.”

Farmers who benefited from the USDA programs that distributed their products to food banks and schools will also be affected. Bill Green is executive director for the Southeast region of Common Market, a nonprofit that connects farmers with organizations in the Mid-Atlantic, the Southeast, Texas, and the Great Lakes. Green said his organization won’t be able to fill the gap left by the federal cuts, but he hopes some schools and other institutions will continue buying from those farmers even after the federal support dries up.

“I think that that food access challenge has only been aggravated, and I think we just found the tip of the iceberg on that,” he said.

Food Bank for the Heartland in Omaha, Nebraska, for example, is experiencing four times the demand this year than in 2018, according to Stephanie Sullivan, its assistant director of marketing and communications. The organization expects to provide food to 580,000 households across the 93 counties it serves in Nebraska and western Iowa this fiscal year, the highest number in its history, she said.

“These numbers should be a wake-up call for all of us,” Sullivan said.

The South Plains Food Bank in Texas projects it will distribute approximately 121,000 food boxes this year to people in need across the 19 counties it serves, compared with an average 90,000 annually before the pandemic. CEO Dina Jeffries said the organization now is serving about 25% more people, while shouldering the burden of decreased funding and food products.

In Nevada, the food bank that helps serve communities in the northern part of the state, including the Shoshone-Paiute Tribes of the Duck Valley Reservation, provides food to an average of 160,000 people per month. That’s a 76% increase over its clientele before the pandemic, and the need continues to rise, said Jocelyn Lantrip, director of marketing and communications for the Food Bank of Northern Nevada.

Lantrip said one of the most troubling things for the food bank is that the USDA commodities shipped for local distribution often are foods that donations don’t usually cover — things like eggs, dairy, and meat.

“That’s really valuable food to our neighbors,” she said. “Protein is very difficult to replace.”

Forty percent of people who sought assistance from food banks during the pandemic did so for the first time, Hall said. “Many of those families have come to see their neighborhood food bank not as a temporary resource for emergency help but an essential component of their monthly budget equation.”

About 47 million people lived in food-insecure households in 2023, available.

Bull Chief, who also runs a small food pantry on the Duck Valley Reservation, said workers drive to Elko to pick up food distributed by the Food Bank of Northern Nevada. But sometimes there’s not much to choose from. In March, the food pantry cut down its operation to just two weeks a month. She said sometimes they must weigh whether it’s worth spending money on gas to pick up a small amount of food.

When the food pantry opened in 2020, Bull Chief said, it helped 10 to 20 households a month. That number is 60 or more now, made up of a broad range of community members — teens fresh out of high school and living on their own, elders, and people who don’t have permanent housing or jobs. She said providing even small amounts of food can help households make ends meet between paychecks or SNAP benefit deposits.

“Whatever they need to get to survive for the month,” Bull Chief said.

The Food Bank of Northern Nevada’s Produce on Wheels program delivers fresh food to seniors across the region, including those in rural communities. (Aramelle Wheeler)

Pinched food banks, elevated need, and federal cuts mean there’s very little resiliency in the system, Hall said. Additional challenges, like an economic slowdown, policy changes to SNAP or other federal nutrition programs, or natural disasters could render food banks unable to meet needs “because they are stretched to the breaking point right now.”

A proposed budget resolution passed by the U.S. House of Representatives in April would require $1.7 trillion in net funding cuts, and anti-hunger advocates fear SNAP could be a target. More people living in rural parts of the country than people in urban areas because of higher poverty rates, so they would be disproportionately affected.

An extension of the federal 2018 Farm Bill, which lasts until Sept. 30, included for the Emergency Food Assistance Program for this year. But the funding that remains doesn’t offset the cuts, Hall said. He hopes lawmakers pass a new farm bill this year with enough money to do so.

“We don’t have a food shortage,” he said. “We have a shortage of political will.”

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