Drug Costs Archives - ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News /tag/drug-costs/ ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News produces in-depth journalism on health issues and is a core operating program of KFF. Fri, 10 Jul 2026 17:18:15 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.8.6 /wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=32 Drug Costs Archives - ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News /tag/drug-costs/ 32 32 161476233 Copay Assistance Is Meant To Defray Patient Drug Costs. Some Insurers Keep It Instead. /health-care-costs/copay-accumulator-adjustment-programs-patient-assistance-insurance-pharma-drugs/ Tue, 07 Jul 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2250564 For 16 years, Larry Gruber, a fitness coach from Wilton Manors, Florida, received a coupon card to help him pay for a psoriatic arthritis medication he needs that costs more than $7,700 a month.

Each year, Amgen, which makes the drug, called , sent the coupon card worth thousands of dollars, and that counted toward Gruber’s health insurance deductible and out-of-pocket maximum.

Using the card, Gruber usually met that maximum by February, leaving his health insurance to fully cover his in-network medical costs and reducing his cost for the drug to $0 for the rest of the year.

But this year, his new health insurer, , pocketed the coupon card and required Gruber to pay for the drug until he satisfied the cost-sharing requirements on his own.

If Oscar Health had applied Amgen’s coupon toward Gruber’s cost sharing, he would have been on the hook for about $3,000 in covered services. Without it, he had to use his savings to meet the plan’s $10,600 out-of-pocket maximum.

“The real insult here is that they’re taking the money that’s intended to help you,” said Gruber, who had planned to buy a home next year with his savings. “I feel desperate, pressed against the wall, and squeezed.”

Oscar Health is one of many commercial health insurers that use what are often called copay accumulator programs to keep funds that are meant to defray patients’ out-of-pocket costs for expensive specialty drugs. Over the past decade, more insurers have to reduce their prescription drug costs, according to Avalere Health, a consulting company.

Patients who rely on copay assistance from drugmakers are typically heavy users of healthcare for whom delays in treatment or worsening conditions can lead to higher costs, according to patient advocates.

, Florida market president for Oscar Health, did not comment on the specifics of Gruber’s case. He said the company uses copay accumulators to manage rising medical and prescription costs and “to keep monthly premiums as low as possible.”

Drugmakers argue that insurers and pharmacy benefit managers use copay accumulators and other strategies to delay or deny care and steer patients toward medicines that insurers prefer instead. Insurers counter that coupon cards and other patient financial assistance from drug manufacturers drive up premiums and encourage patients to use higher-priced, brand-name drugs instead of less-expensive generics.

Meanwhile, patient advocates say it’s difficult for consumers to find out if their plan uses a copay accumulator or to understand how they work. Not only do the programs make medications unaffordable for consumers, critics argue, but they allow insurers to double-dip.

“They’re collecting the money twice and they’re hurting patients,” said , executive director of the HIV+Hepatitis Policy Institute, a patient advocacy group.

“Why does it make a difference to Oscar if they get the money from a drug company or, you know, his mother or him?” he said of Gruber’s experience. “They’re still getting the money.”

Larry Gruber stands in front of a mirror at a gym, his arms extended on both sides, stretching. Blurred arms in the foreground show students copying his move.
Gruber teaches a fitness class. (Scott McIntyre for ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News)

Controlling Costs or Harming Patients?

Not all insurance types use copay accumulators. Medicare and Medicaid prohibit copay assistance because federal anti-kickback laws forbid drug manufacturers from offering financial incentives to influence patients’ choices. And the Internal Revenue Service prohibits such help for high-deductible plans with health savings accounts. But individual and commercial group plans can use them.

Regulation of copay accumulator programs has fallen largely to states, which oversee individual and small-group plans sold on the Affordable Care Act marketplace.

For 2026, of ACA marketplace plans have such a program, according to a review from The AIDS Institute, a nonprofit group that opposes the programs. Of the 16 insurers that sell plans on the marketplace in Florida, 10 use copay accumulator programs, the review found.

Patients who take brand-name specialty drugs for conditions such as autoimmune disorders, multiple sclerosis, diabetes, HIV, and cancer are most likely to encounter these programs. Health insurers say that making patients share the costs for specialty drugs encourages them to choose value over brand.

But Gruber doesn’t have a choice because there is no medically equivalent generic for Enbrel. Gruber’s livelihood as a trainer depends on his athleticism. The weekly injections, which he has to take for the rest of his life, prevent his joints from getting stiff. When he was diagnosed in 2010, Gruber said, he couldn’t shake hands or lift his knee to get into bed. Without treatment, he said, “I ache from my neck down to my toes.”

A close-up shot of Larry Gruber's hand holding up an injector for Enbrel.
Gruber’s new health insurer won’t apply a coupon card for Enbrel, making him spend $10,600 to meet the cost-sharing requirement. (Scott McIntyre for ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News)

If manufacturers priced their drugs affordably, patients like Gruber wouldn’t need financial assistance, said , a senior vice president for AHIP, a trade association representing insurers.

“Drugmakers offer short-term ‘discounts’ to justify overcharging Americans in the long term, driving up healthcare costs for everyone,” he said in a statement. “Research shows limiting copay coupons can reduce premiums and lower consumers’ out-of-pocket costs.”

Sarah Ryan, a spokesperson for Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, a trade association for the pharmaceutical industry, said copay assistance helps patients access medications free of charge or at reduced cost.

“Health insurance is supposed to protect patients,” Ryan said, adding that insurers and pharmacy benefit managers that refuse to count copay assistance toward cost sharing are “leaving patients facing unexpected costs and disrupting their care.”

Insurance companies already have tools to control costs without keeping financial assistance intended for patients, said , deputy executive director for The AIDS Institute.

Insurers choose what drugs to cover, whether they are medically necessary, and if a patient must try a cheaper alternative first.

“They are the ones making the decisions,” Klein said. “Now the individual is left trying to figure out how they’re going to pay for it.”

Consumers Stuck in the Middle

Larry Gruber stretches both arms upward, hands clasped together. A blurred figure in the foreground does the same stretch, framing his face.
Weekly injections of Enbrel prevent Larry Gruber’s joints from getting stiff, which is vital for his work as a fitness coach. The drug costs more than $7,700 a month, and he has to take it for the rest of his life. (Scott McIntyre for ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News)

Before moving to Florida in 2024, Gruber said, he had bought coverage on the ACA marketplaces in Illinois and Louisiana, which prohibit copay accumulators. Gruber said he hadn’t encountered one until his experience with Oscar Health.

He complained to the office of Florida’s insurance consumer advocate, which informed him that the practice is legal in the state and that Oscar Health had disclosed its use of a copay accumulator program. Page 127 of his 168-page evidence of coverage states, “Third party assistance will not count towards your out-of-pocket maximum or deductible.”

Gruber said he selected his coverage using a tool on that listed all the Florida ACA plans that cover Enbrel. “I always choose the one with the highest deductible to get the lowest premium,” he said, “because I know I’m going to meet it.” His monthly premium is about $315 after subsidies.

Adding to Gruber’s confusion, he said, was that his patient portal with Oscar Health was counting his coupon card at first. He said he met his out-of-pocket maximum in February, and in March Oscar covered all the cost for the medication.

But when he ordered his refill for April, the pharmacy told him that Oscar would cover only $1,000 of the medication’s cost for that month. He would have to pay the remaining $6,700.

Gruber then received a letter from Oscar Health, telling him that an incorrect amount had been applied to his deductible.

An extract from a letter that reads, "March 13, 2026. Important information from your health insurance plan. Hi Lawrence. We are reaching out to let you know that we noticed an incorrect amount applied to your deductible for your Oscar health insurance plan. This issue has been corrected."

“They sent me a letter that basically stated they made a mistake,” he said. “The fact that they’re allowed to sort of change things midstream is also, I think, a little galling.”

He began rationing the injections, taking them every other week instead of weekly. By May, he had dipped into his savings to pay for the drug.

States Step Up While Federal Oversight Stalls

The first state laws banning copay accumulators were adopted in 2019, and since then more states have moved to regulate the programs, said , public policy director for the Alliance for Patient Access, an advocacy group.

“The goal is to build upon that progress at the federal level and to continue to drive this momentum forward,” he said.

Twenty-six states, Washington, D.C., and Puerto Rico have adopted laws banning copay accumulators or prohibiting them for drugs that do not have a generic equivalent. Colorado also prohibits copay accumulators for drugs without a biosimilar. In states that have not banned or restricted the programs, insurance companies decide whether to use them.

Half of States Restrict Insurers From Pocketing Copay Assistance (Choropleth map)

But federal regulation of the programs, which would apply to all states, remains at a standstill.

A federal court in 2023 struck down a policy enacted during President Donald Trump’s first term that had permitted insurers to use copay accumulator programs. As a result, the Department of Health and Human Services reverted to that restricts their use to brand-name drugs with a medically appropriate generic equivalent.

After the court ruling, the Biden administration pledged to address copay accumulators in future rulemaking. But HHS has yet to do so, said Schmid, whose group, the HIV+Hepatitis Policy Institute, led a coalition of patient advocacy groups that sued to overturn the rule.

“The Trump administration can stop this once and for all at the national level,” Schmid said. “If they really care about patient affordability, this is something they can do.”

Bipartisan legislation in Congress called the would require financial assistance to count toward deductibles and other out-of-pocket costs on plans regulated by the federal government, including much employer-sponsored coverage.

Schmid said the bill has not gotten “enough traction on the Hill yet.”

Other ways to obtain medication don’t help patients facing copay accumulators either. The president’s , an online platform through which consumers can buy prescription drugs at a discount, requires patients to pay out-of-pocket, and the cost does not count toward their plan’s cost-sharing requirements.

Christopher Krepich, a Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services spokesperson, said that HHS, along with the departments of Labor and the Treasury, intend to address the issue of whether copay assistance must apply toward health plan cost sharing.

Until then, he wrote, “the Departments do not intend to take any enforcement action against health insurance issuers or group health plans based on their treatment of such manufacturer assistance.”

Outside of government regulation, consumers have few protections or alternatives.

Patients who rely on expensive medications — and who have a choice in their health insurance plan — should research their coverage options and choose wisely so they’re not caught by surprise, Clingham said.

That may mean reading plan benefit explanation packages, contacting their state’s insurance regulator, or calling an insurance company to ask if their plans use copay accumulator programs.

For Gruber, the extra expense means he won’t take a vacation this year. He’s also concerned that the money he was saving for a home will now go to his medication costs instead.

“It’s the first thing I think of when I wake up in the morning,” he said. “If this happens every year, it would be financially devastating.”

Larry Gruber stands outside.
(Scott McIntyre for ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News)

Are you struggling to afford your health insurance? Have you decided to forgo coverage? Click here to contact ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News and share your story.

ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

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Thousands of Medicare Beneficiaries Thought Their Drug Plan Was Free. Then They Lost It. /medicare/medicare-drug-plans-part-d-small-premium-increases-disenrollments-wellcare/ Tue, 07 Jul 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2253783 Jude Pare and his partner, Diane Tix, live in rural Minnesota until temperatures dip below freezing, when they take refuge in Arizona for the winter. While away, their mail is forwarded. But Pare, 77, said he didn’t receive any warning from his Medicare prescription drug plan that his $0 monthly premium was about to increase.

So he didn’t know he had a bill to pay. After he and Tix returned home to Minnesota in April, they got a letter from Wellcare, the insurer that provided his drug plan, saying his coverage had been terminated after three months of unpaid premiums totaling $28.80. Under Medicare’s rules, he can’t enroll in a plan again until the fall, for coverage beginning in 2027.

Pare takes Xarelto, a blood thinner that reduces his risk of strokes, blood clots, and pulmonary embolism. “He could bleed to death without it,” Tix said. A 90-day supply of the drug costs about $1,800 using a coupon from GoodRx, a discount drug website, she said.

Pare is among tens of thousands of Medicare beneficiaries who were on Wellcare’s Value Script drug plan who will likely go without prescription drug coverage for the rest of the year because they didn’t pay premiums for three months.

Next year, thousands more people in 32 states and Washington, D.C., who are enrolled in zero-premium drug plans from Wellcare and other insurance companies may find themselves in the same situation if their premiums go up and they don’t realize it, according to a ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News analysis of drug plan data. Premiums and other changes for 2027 will be unveiled in September.

Going without medication can be life-threatening, especially for Medicare beneficiaries. take one or more prescription drugs, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Almost half live with four or more chronic health conditions that can cause functional or cognitive impairments.

By the time Jude Pare and his partner, Diane Tix, found out he owed $28.80 for three months of drug plan premiums, his coverage had been canceled. He is among tens of thousands of Medicare beneficiaries who will likely go without prescription drug coverage for the rest of the year after their drug plans were canceled. (Diane Tix)

Congress added prescription drug coverage to Medicare in 2003. But the coverage is administered by commercial insurance companies, which compete fiercely with one another for the business of about enrolled in drug plans.

Zero-dollar or very low monthly premiums have helped make Wellcare’s Value Script the bestselling stand-alone prescription drug plan in Medicare, with nearly 6 million customers across the U.S., according to government data. But in 26 states and Washington, D.C., some Value Script members who didn’t have to pay a premium last year were caught off guard by increases in 2026.

After a two-month grace period — which Wellcare extended to three — Medicare drug plans can drop customers who don’t pay their premiums, no matter how small the amount. Some members who lost their coverage in Nevada, for example, owed as little as $8.10 for three months, according to a ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News analysis of Medicare drug plan data.

Wellcare terminated coverage for about 140,000 Value Script beneficiaries in April, according to a person with knowledge of the matter who was not authorized to speak publicly about it and feared reprisals at work for doing so. About 40,000 of the people who were dropped may be able to enroll in new coverage immediately because they have low incomes and receive financial assistance through a program Medicare calls “.”

Multiple state officials said they had heard the same disenrollment figures, including Nevada’s insurance commissioner, Ned Gaines, who chairs the National Association of Insurance Commissioners’ senior issues task force; Rebecca Gouty, director of the State Health Insurance Assistance Program in West Virginia; and Tim Smolen, director of Washington state’s Statewide Health Insurance Benefits Advisors. The West Virginia and Washington initiatives are part of the federally funded , or SHIP, which provides free, unbiased help navigating Medicare.

Surprise Bills

The Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, which oversees Medicare drug plans, declined to provide the number of Value Script members who lost coverage due to unpaid premiums. “The agency does not publicly provide plan-specific disenrollment figures or state-level breakdowns related to the non-payment of premiums,” Christopher Krepich, a spokesperson, said in a written statement to ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News.

Centene Corp., Wellcare’s parent company, also declined to provide disenrollment numbers.

“We recognize how disruptive a loss of coverage can be and are committed to helping members understand their options,” said Sarah Baiocchi, senior vice president for specialty and prescription drug plans at Centene. She acknowledged that “some members in our Value Script plan experienced a premium for the first time, or for the first time in several years.”

Baiocchi said all Value Script members received a CMS-required annual notice of changes in September, before the premium increases took effect.

A sent to members in two states and Washington, D.C., is 21 pages long. The new premium is mentioned on pages 3 and 8, along with changes to out-of-pocket costs and how to find updates on covered drugs and network pharmacies.

The company also informed members about 2026 premium changes through phone calls, text messages, regular mail, or email, Baiocchi said.

People who are dropped are not able to reenroll or join another drug plan until the start of the open enrollment period this fall for coverage beginning Jan. 1, unless they qualify for an exception, Krepich said. And because they will have gone without coverage for at least 63 days, they could be hit with a permanent that increases every year for the rest of their lives.

“Medicare should be doing something about this so that we can go ahead and get coverage now,” said Wayne Bennett, 74, who lives in Durham, North Carolina.

In May, he found out that Wellcare had canceled his Value Script plan because he hadn’t paid his $3.60 monthly premiums. He takes nine prescription drugs to treat his blood pressure, glaucoma, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, and other health problems. He filled most of his prescriptions — including several at no cost — before he lost coverage. He doesn’t know what he’ll have to pay when his supply runs out.

Gouty, the West Virginia program head, said many Medicare beneficiaries arrange for their monthly drug plan premium to be automatically deducted from their Social Security benefits, and that many likely thought that choice remained in place until they changed it.

“They didn’t realize that when the plan was a zero premium in 2025, that stopped the Social Security premium deduction and they would have had to reelect it for 2026,” Gouty said.

In other words, even if they mistakenly thought the premium was still zero, Medicare beneficiaries would have needed to somehow allow Social Security to make deductions — something the agency doesn’t do — or set up a payment plan through their bank or credit card in case payment was necessary.

“That sounds goofy,” Tix said.

Centene’s Baiocchi blamed the Social Security Administration for the problem: “We believe this was a key driver of non-payment disenrollments and subsequent complaints.”

Spokespeople for the agency referred questions about the matter to CMS.

Krepich said legal requirements for drug plan enrollment and disenrollment limit what CMS can do to help beneficiaries who lose coverage for not paying their premiums.

‘Pretty Upset’

Now that Pare has no prescription drug coverage, his doctor replaced his blood thinner medication with a much less expensive drug that should be just as effective. Pare paid $111 for four other medications that used to be free under his Value Script plan. He hasn’t had to refill four more prescriptions yet and doesn’t know what they will cost, Tix said.

If Wellcare members knew about the premium increases, they could have set up direct billing or an automatic payment plan early this year before the payment grace period ended April 1. But they would have been able to fill prescriptions during the grace period, so if they didn’t see Wellcare’s notices, they likely assumed there was no problem with their coverage.

Bennett, the North Carolina man, said Wellcare used to send him text messages with health tips and reminders when it was time to pick up a prescription. He didn’t know his premium had increased from $0 to $3.60 until it was too late.

An older man with white hair stands with his arms crossed.
Wayne Bennett lost his Medicare drug coverage because he didn’t pay the premium, which was free last year but — without his knowing — went up this year. “Medicare should be doing something about this so that we can go ahead and get coverage now,” he says. (Wayne Bennett)

“I was pretty upset,” he said, when he called the company. “The premium wasn’t that much, and I was ready to pay it right off the bat. I had my credit card out ready to make the payment.”

The customer service representative wouldn’t let him pay because his coverage had been canceled, Bennett said.

Hoping to restore it, Bennett called , a Durham nonprofit that advises Medicare beneficiaries and is one of more than 2,200 SHIP sites across the country. He was told he must wait until January to restart his drug coverage, said the group’s executive director, Gina Upchurch.

He doesn’t qualify for the “Extra Help” low-income subsidy or meet other CMS criteria for a , which would allow him to change drug plans during the year. CMS typically allows midyear switches for beneficiaries who, for example, move out of their plan’s service area, experience a natural disaster, or get help paying for drugs from a .

Senior PharmAssist was able to help one of its participants join another drug plan after she lost Value Script coverage because she is in North Carolina’s pharmacy assistance program for people with HIV/AIDS and has limited income, Upchurch said.

A further exception allows any Medicare beneficiary to enroll at any time in a drug plan that has earned five stars, the top grade in Medicare’s performance ratings. However, there are no five-star Medicare drug plans available to the general public. Only two insurers offer five-star plans, and only for retirees from certain employers. Their combined enrollment is about 8,700 as of June 1, according to the insurers.

But Upchurch, with more than two decades of Medicare expertise, doesn’t blame beneficiaries for not paying attention or for assuming Wellcare’s messages were bogus. Older adults are particularly vulnerable to identity theft and other scams and are often advised to ignore junk mail and calls from telemarketers.

Since Value Script members such as Bennett continued to get their prescriptions filled during the payment grace period, “why wouldn’t they think this was a scam?” Upchurch asked. “They are constantly bombarded by people selling them something that’s illegitimate or trying to scam them.”

ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/medicare/medicare-drug-plans-part-d-small-premium-increases-disenrollments-wellcare/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">KFF Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

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2253783
She Struggled To Get a Lifesaving Drug Even After Insurers Vowed To Help /health-care-costs/prior-authorization-medicare-advantage-humana-missouri-bill-of-the-month-june-2026/ Mon, 29 Jun 2026 09:00:00 +0000 LADUE, Mo. — Over four consecutive days in January, Margaret Hvatum ran a 5K, a 10K, a half-marathon, and a full marathon. The 70-year-old covered a combined distance that’s nearly equivalent to running the length of Manhattan four times. 

By the end of the month, she was in a hospital bed.

Hvatum, a part-time computer science professor, has a weakened immune system due to a rare condition known as primary immunodeficiency, which makes it difficult for her body to fight infections. Prior to her 2005 diagnosis, she had four bouts of shingles, a painful rash caused by a virus.

For more than a decade she relied on an expensive medicine to treat her chronic condition — and relied on her insurance to pay for it.

Then the denial letters came.

The Medical Service

To give her weakened immune system a boost, she relies on Hizentra, which is made up of antibodies collected from donated blood plasma.

At her home, near St. Louis, Hvatum can administer the complex medicine herself. She uses a large syringe to draw the medicine from a vial and loads the syringe into a plastic apparatus that looks like a toy Nerf gun. She cranks a blue plastic dial that triggers a steady drip of the medicine, and it snakes through plastic tubing until it enters her leg through a needle.

The Bill

$8,141.94: The full charges for a 28-day supply of Hizentra without insurance coverage.

After her Medicare Advantage plan through Humana denied payment for the drug in January, she missed several weekly doses.

The Billing Problem: Prior Authorization

Hvatum got tangled up in the controversial process known as prior authorization, which often requires patients or their medical team to get an insurance company’s approval before obtaining medicines or treatment. 

At the start of the year, after Hvatum switched Medicare Advantage plans, she received a letter saying that Humana, her new carrier, had denied her “prior authorization prescription request” for Hizentra. The authorization from her previous insurer didn’t carry over. 

Without the medicine, Hvatum developed a urinary tract infection that sent her to the emergency room on Jan. 30. Though it is a common infection, her doctor advised her to go there because people with her condition can get sick and deteriorate quickly, she said. 

That ER visit turned into an overnight hospital stay. That turned into hospital charges of more than $18,000, and again her insurance denied payment, saying this time that she wasn’t sick enough to require hospital care.

Hvatum’s experience with prior authorization is not unique.

Medicare Advantage plans reviewed nearly 53 million prior authorization requests in 2024, . That’s equivalent to nearly two reviews for every person enrolled in the program.

It’s common for Medicare Advantage plans to deny payment for care — which helps them make a profit, said Carrie Graham, director of the Medicare Policy Initiative at Georgetown University’s Center on Health Insurance Reforms.

The government pays a monthly sum to Medicare Advantage insurers to cover care for each member. “They make a profit if the care that person receives in that year is less than the amount they receive,” Graham said.

More than half of eligible Medicare beneficiaries choose Medicare Advantage insurance coverage. In 2026, roughly 35 million selected one of these private policies offered by insurance companies.

Humana is a dominant player in the space. Nearly half of all Medicare Advantage enrollees nationwide are covered by UnitedHealth Group or Humana, according to KFF.

The killing of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson prompted renewed scrutiny of prior authorization. Last summer, months after his death, the nation’s largest insurers, including Humana, signed a pledge that outlined a handful of commitments to ease the burden on patients.

For example, insurers vowed to reduce the number of services that would require prior authorization approval. They also promised to reduce delays by honoring existing prior authorizations for a 90-day period when patients switched plans.

That’s not what happened in Hvatum’s case.

Humana said this pledge to honor existing approvals comes with limitations. “These commitments are for medical services only and do not apply to prescription medications,” spokesperson Mark Taylor said.  

Humana declined to comment on the specifics of Hvatum’s case, even though she agreed to waive her privacy rights, giving the insurer permission to comment.

While acknowledging that the prior authorization process can be deeply frustrating for patients, Humana said it “builds important checks and balances into the healthcare system by verifying that treatments and care delivery are in the best interest of patient safety and quality of care, while safeguarding taxpayer dollars.”

In July 2025, it would remove one-third of prior authorization requirements for outpatient services.

“We are committed to making the process faster and more seamless for patients and providers,” Humana said in a statement Taylor provided to ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News.

The Resolution

Hvatum appealed, and Humana in late January reversed its initial payment denial for Hizentra, enabling her to afford her medicine again.

But the approval came with a catch: It expires at the end of the year, after which she would need to obtain approval all over again.

Hvatum has since switched to a different drug — and she might not stick around for any more medical-bill fights like this one. She and her husband are considering a move to Norway, a place with universal healthcare. He is a citizen there, which could give her a path to public health coverage.

At least 50 medalls attached to ribbons hang from hooks mounted above a picture window.
Running is Margaret Hvatum’s outlet, maybe an obsession. And it keeps her healthy. Scores of medals and trophies are tucked about her home. After her Humana Medicare Advantage plan denied coverage of a medicine she needs for a chronic condition, she felt that her insurer had failed her. (Samantha Liss/ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News)

The industry’s promises to change are too little, too late for Hvatum. 

By her account, she has done her part. Running is her outlet, maybe an obsession, and it keeps her healthy. Scores of medals and trophies are tucked about her home. Some sit on a white wicker end table, next to family photos, candles, and framed St. Louis Cardinals memorabilia. Above a large bay window in the kitchen, medals hang from ribbons of all colors, made to look almost like custom window drapery.

“I have done everything I possibly can to be healthy,” Hvatum said, sitting at her dining room table in her running gear. Her printed T-shirt read, “If found on ground, please drag across the finish line.”

The Takeaway

Data shows patients should appeal prior authorizations, because those who do often get their denials reversed, Graham said. In fact, 81% of Medicare Advantage appeals were partially or fully overturned in 2024, according to KFF.

Relatively few people appeal, because “it’s an exhausting process,” Graham said. It puts the onus on patients — and doctors get frustrated, too.

It’s not just Medicare Advantage plans that subject enrollees to prior authorization approvals. It’s prevalent in other types of coverage, and it has prompted blowback from the public. Graham believes the public outcry instigated the industry’s pledge to change.

Hvatum is well versed in filing appeals. She submitted another appeal to Humana after the insurer denied payment for her January hospital stay. Humana again reversed its denial of payment in her case.

Hvatum blames Humana for her January trip to the hospital. Had Humana approved her Hizentra, she said, she could have avoided hospital care altogether.

In March, she had a stroke. Humana denied coverage of that hospital stay, too.

Humana determined that it was not reasonable for the physician who admitted Hvatum to think she would need to stay at least two nights, the threshold for approval. “You had a small stroke,” Humana’s denial letter stated.

Hvatum noted the letter was dated March 25, two days after she was hospitalized. Humana reversed its denial two weeks after Hvatum appealed.

“They love to send you the denials fast,” Hvatum said. “Approvals take longer.”

Bill of the Month is a crowdsourced investigation by and that dissects and explains medical bills. Since 2018, this series has helped many patients and readers get their medical bills reduced, and it has been cited in statehouses, at the U.S. Capitol, and at the White House. Do you have a confusing or outrageous medical bill you want to share? !

ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

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Trouble Getting Weight Loss Drugs Covered by Insurance? Here’s What To Know /health-industry/health-care-helpline-glp-1-zepbound-weight-loss-insurance-coverage/ Fri, 26 Jun 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2250127&preview=true&preview_id=2250127 A hand-drawn illustration of a hand holding a GLP-1 injector that has a note attached to it, which reads, "GLP-1 APPROVED!"
(Oona Zenda/ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News)

A professional in-home caregiver lost her coverage for Zepbound. She soon realized getting it back was not straightforward.

“I was like: ‘What am I going to do? Hopefully I can just continue keeping this weight off.’”

— Deborah Finley, 50, of Lodi, California


Deborah Finley, 50, of Lodi, California, said her weight started to worry her during the early days of covid. That’s when she noticed a lot of the people who were on ventilators or dying had something in common: obesity.

“It was a scary time,” she said. As a single mom, she was afraid “that I wouldn’t be here for my daughter.”

Finley had been diagnosed with sleep apnea and nonalcoholic fatty liver disease, and she was prediabetic. Her pulmonologist suggested bariatric surgery but couldn’t get Finley’s insurer to cover it.

She exercised and watched what she ate, but she wasn’t losing weight and her mental health suffered.

She remembers telling her doctor: “Look, I’m at 223 pounds. I feel like I’m hitting this wall. I don’t know what else I can do.” That’s when he suggested Zepbound, a GLP-1 drug for obesity.

Finley said she still had to put in a lot of work to get healthy. But the drug helped. Her sleep apnea improved dramatically. She lost weight.

Then her insurance plan stopped covering Zepbound for weight loss at the end of last year. That’s become common because GLP-1 drugs are expensive for health plans and the employers that pay for them.

“They started sending out notices to all the patients,” Finley said. “And they said: ‘Look, we’re pulling this medication. We’re giving you 90 days’ notice to figure out what you want to do.”

From 2025 to 2026, 12 million people were on plans that for Zepbound and 12 million had plans that dropped Wegovy, another GLP-1, according to , a website that helps patients find discounts on prescription drugs.

If you find yourself in this situation, these tips can help. 

1. Read the fine print on coverage.

A hand-drawn cartoon of a person holding a magnifying glass to their eye while they read fine print.

While many plans don’t cover GLP-1 drugs for weight loss alone, they may make exceptions if you have other conditions.

That was Finley’s situation. She learned that her insurer would cover Zepbound if it was used to treat obstructive sleep apnea, or MASH, a fatty liver disease. GLP-1s are also covered for people with Type 2 diabetes.

You can work with your doctors to screen for qualifying conditions, said , a professor of epidemiology and medicine at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health.

Undiagnosed diabetes, he said, is “the most likely scenario that would allow for someone to go from not being qualified to being qualified.”

Since Finley had sleep apnea and testing showing that the drug helped, she learned it could still be covered with a prior authorization — that’s when you have to get approval from your health insurance before it will cover .

Finley said her physician told her a prior authorization was on file, but when she tried to refill her prescription, the pharmacist told her Zepbound was denied.

2. File an appeal — and get some help from your doctor.

Don’t give up if your medication is denied, said , the obesity medicine director for UVA Health, the health system affiliated with the University of Virginia in Charlottesville. Sometimes your insurer will relent on appeal, if you make a good case.

A hand-drawn cartoon of a computer screen that has an insurance appeal and medical test results on its screen.

Finley made several frustrating phone calls and eventually went digging through her online medical records.

“I had to do my own investigative work,” she said.

Those records showed that Zepbound was indeed denied. Her doctor had applied for prior authorization, but it did not go through, because her insurer said there was not sufficient data to back up the request. Somehow, her health information, including the sleep apnea testing results, hadn’t made it to the right people.

Finley eventually got her hands on the 17-page report and got a little help from ChatGPT to write an appeal, showing that the drug was necessary for her based on her diagnosis and covered under her policy.

This kind of appeal can be a lot of work. Luckily, many doctors’ offices will help and know how the system works, Alexander said.

“I don’t think that patients should be expected to navigate these waters on their own,” he said.

3. Carefully document your care.

Sometimes you may have to file multiple appeals if the first one is unsuccessful, said , the vice president for advocacy and research at the nonprofit Obesity Action Coalition, which receives financial support from drugmakers including Zepbound maker Eli Lilly and Wegovy producer Novo Nordisk.

A hand-drawn cartoon of a folder stuffed with papers. On the front, it reads, "care record / all documents."

Zvenyach also recommends keeping meticulous records. Some plans require something called step therapy, meaning patients have to try and fail on other drugs or treatments before getting covered for the one their doctor wants them to take.

“Keep a history of other meds you’ve taken so you can provide documentation for step therapy requirements,” she said. “Document dates of participation in any nutrition and physical activity program or membership.”

Finley filed an appeal on Feb. 4, and although she expected a hearing within 90 days, it hadn’t been scheduled yet as of mid-June.

She said it’s been stressful because she hasn’t been able to get new injections of Zepbound since mid-January.

4. Look for discounts if you pay out-of-pocket.

The drugmakers that make Zepbound and Wegovy sell the medicines at a discount to people who pay out-of-pocket instead of using insurance. (Try discount sites like TrumpRx or GoodRx.)

Even with discounts, the drugs are not affordable for everyone. If you have a or a flexible spending account, you can use it to pay for them with pretax dollars.

5. If you’re considering compounded GLP-1s online, watch for red flags.

A hand-drawn cartoon of a hand holding a vial of GLP-1 liquid. The label has a red flag on it and question marks.

You might have seen ads for affordable off-brand obesity drugs prescribed by online providers. These are compounded products — that is, made by specialized pharmacists instead of a drug company.

Compounded medicines are prepared using the same active ingredient as the brand-name drugs. But they aren’t approved by the Food and Drug Administration.

Look out for . Check the National Association of Boards of Pharmacy’s . Make sure the pharmacy preparing your drug is . If it’s not, it may not be undergoing inspections or complying with other laws.

After stretching out her remaining supply of Zepbound as long as she could, Finley is taking a compounded version of the drug while she continues the insurance appeals process.

6. Be persistent. And remember to breathe.

Being told no by an insurer is maddening. But Alexander said you often have other options.

“If any appeal that we make is unsuccessful, there are other treatments that we can use,” he said — for example drugs like Contrave, or a cheaper combination of generic naltrexone and bupropion.

UVA Health’s Varney, who has consulted for Eli Lilly, said not to give up on trying to get GLP-1s covered. “Take a breath, but go right back to it,” she said, adding that GLP-1s are superior to the older drugs on the market.

Alexander said he thinks obesity drugs will eventually become affordable — cheap even. Statins, which are used to treat high cholesterol, were once expensive and hard to get covered. Now, Alexander notes, they’re generic and often cost just a few bucks.

“I know it’s hard to imagine,” he said. “But there will come a day when we no longer see these access barriers for GLP-1s.”

Healthcare Helpline helps you navigate the health system hurdles between you and good care. Send us your tricky question and we may tap a policy sleuth to puzzle it out. Share your story. The crowdsourced project is a joint production of NPR and ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News.

ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

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Telehealth Booms as Demand for GLP-1s Surges and Questions Mount About Safety, Oversight /health-industry/glp1-weight-loss-drugs-telehealth-oversight-regulation-compounded-semaglutide/ Mon, 01 Jun 2026 09:00:00 +0000 Within 24 hours of injecting the first dose of a weight loss medication she received following a visit with a telehealth doctor, Karleigh McClain was admitted to the hospital, she said.

The 31-year-old compliance consultant from Hendersonville, Tennessee, said she couldn’t stop vomiting.

“Sunday morning, it all hits,” McClain recalled, as she described what happened that weekend in January. “I can’t keep anything down.”

McClain said she thought the dosage the telehealth company had prescribed seemed too high. She tried to contact her doctor, but when she didn’t get an immediate response, she said she called the company and a “care team” representative confirmed the instructions — which said to inject 2.21 milligrams of the semaglutide medication once a week — were correct.

It turned out, however, that was nearly nine times the amount patients are typically told to take for their first dose.

Nearly a month after she was diagnosed with an overdose, McClain said she was “still dealing with the residual side effects,” including an elevated heart rate and vision problems she felt were tied to the medication.

Most patients who have taken a GLP-1 received their prescription through a primary care doctor or a specialist, shows. But as the uptake of telehealth has grown substantially since the start of the covid pandemic, McClain is one of millions of Americans who have used online companies to meet a variety of their medical needs.

Many of the companies have started offering GLP-1 medications for weight loss as demand for these drugs has exploded. But certain medication errors tied to GLP-1s have exploded too, according to a ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News review of Food and Drug Administration data, and physicians and telemedicine researchers worry that adverse experiences tied to telehealth companies are becoming more common.

Bad outcomes aren’t unique to telehealth providers or to the compounded weight loss drugs many of them offer. In fact, product liability lawsuits alleging patient injuries have been filed overwhelmingly against pharmaceutical giants Eli Lilly and Novo Nordisk, which manufacture name-brand weight loss drugs, court data shows. The drugmakers have defended their products.

However, some critics are also concerned that getting a weight loss prescription online is usually much easier than getting one through an in-person appointment. Not only do many telehealth companies write quick prescriptions for GLP-1s, but they often sell the medications, too, allowing patients to bypass in-person pharmacy visits. This one-stop shopping isn’t necessarily a good thing, according to critics who say some telehealth providers are writing prescriptions for people who should not be taking GLP-1s and then providing little or no follow-up care.

“It gives a black eye to telemedicine,” said Elizabeth Krupinski, an experimental psychologist at Emory University who has conducted research on the effectiveness of telehealth.

Telemedicine stands to benefit “so many people,” Krupinski said, particularly when the technology is integrated within a larger healthcare system. That way, patients benefit from the convenience of telehealth while maintaining a connection with their in-person providers.

But some telehealth companies are marketing GLP-1s as an easy way to lose weight — sometimes with the help of paid celebrity endorsements — without emphasizing the importance of healthy eating and exercise, she said.

They may be following the letter of the law, Krupinski said. But writing prescriptions while skimping on care “is not in the Hippocratic oath.”

A woman's hand holds a small vial of liquid GLP-1 medication on a table.
McClain says she overdosed on an injectable weight loss medication in January after following dosing instructions from a telehealth provider. (Arielle Weenonia Gray for ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News)

The Perfect Storm

Starting around 2020, many states loosened restrictions on telehealth, which allowed online companies to proliferate. This helped accommodate patients who could not, or chose not to, be seen in person at the height of covid transmission.

Expanded telehealth access was also intended to lower barriers in rural communities, as well as mitigate doctor and nurse shortages. In many places, telehealth doctors and nurses are legally allowed to treat patients across state lines. But the way telemedicine is practiced , and state laws largely dictate rules that telehealth providers must follow.

Some companies, such as Mochi Health, require patients to meet virtually with a provider, such as a doctor, nurse practitioner, or physician assistant, before they can get a GLP-1 prescription.

But others, including Ro, sometimes require nothing more of patients than an “asynchronous” evaluation, which does not include a live conversation with a healthcare provider. During this type of evaluation, customers are typically asked to fill out an intake form and answer a medical history questionnaire before they are evaluated for a prescription. Ro requires a conversation in real time when required by state law, or when requested by a patient or clinician, said Nicholas Samonas, a spokesperson for the company.

“Every patient is counseled by their provider on the potential benefits and risks of treatment based on their individual medical history,” Samonas said. Ro’s clinicians can order lab work when necessary and, when appropriate, may recommend patients seek in-person care, he said.

But some medical experts are concerned that virtual care may be insufficient for prescribing weight loss drugs.

Patients with a history of pancreatitis, for example, should be counseled about potential complications, medical studies show. The same goes for people with a condition called gastroparesis, which affects stomach nerves and muscles, and those susceptible to medullary thyroid cancer.

Some patients may also benefit from blood work or muscle mass screening before starting a GLP-1.

But not all telehealth companies are adequately evaluating patients before writing prescriptions, said Marc-Andre Cornier, an endocrinologist at the Medical University of South Carolina and the immediate past president of The Obesity Society.

When it comes to parsing the good from the bad, “whose job is it to police that?” he asked. The problem, he said, is there aren’t criteria written by a government agency or a medical society to determine which providers are treating patients appropriately and which aren’t.

While the first GLP-1 was approved by the FDA more than 20 years ago, to treat Type 2 diabetes, the use of these drugs took off in 2021 when Novo Nordisk received approval for a semaglutide drug to treat obesity, with the brand name Wegovy. In a 2025 KFF poll, said they had taken a GLP-1.

In a in The New England Journal of Medicine, physician Amanda Banks noted that the proportion of GLP-1 prescriptions written for people who were not diabetic, obese, or overweight increased from 4.5% in 2018 to 17% in 2023.

In the paper, Banks called it “troubling” how easy it is to obtain a prescription for weight loss drugs and worried they might exacerbate existing eating disorders or cause new cases, including of anorexia.

Cornier, who has received compensation from Novo Nordisk for serving as a consultant, echoed some of Banks’ concerns. “It’s not just filling out a form online and then having some random healthcare provider sign off on it,” he said. “There are concerns with some of these online programs that there’s not a proper evaluation, there’s not a baseline, and there’s not proper supervision.”

The American Telemedicine Association, which advocates for the expansion of “digitally enabled care,” has not addressed how telehealth providers prescribe GLP-1s, spokesperson Gina Cella said.

“This is a bit out of our scope,” Cella said, when asked if the association had addressed the topic of telehealth providers and GLP-1 prescriptions.

The lack of clarity makes choosing a company potentially confusing for patients, and the medical profession is partly to blame, said Jamy Ard, an obesity doctor and researcher at Wake Forest University School of Medicine in Winston-Salem, North Carolina.

Doctors have historically done a bad job counseling patients about weight loss, and many people aren’t comfortable talking to their primary care doctor about it, Ard said. Patients think, “Why would I go to my doctor and have them say, ‘Eat less and move more,’ when I have heard that a million times and I don’t want to have that lecture again?” Ard said.

This problem, combined with past shortages of name-brand versions of GLP-1s, such as Ozempic, Mounjaro, and Trulicity, has created a “perfect storm” for telehealth companies to flourish, said Ard, who has received support from pharmaceutical and telehealth companies.

While some telehealth companies prescribe only name-brand weight loss drugs, many also offer cheaper, compounded versions. They act as intermediaries between customers and mail-order compounding pharmacies, which create GLP-1s by mixing active ingredients, such as semaglutide, with additives. The ingredients for compounded drugs are commonly sourced from overseas suppliers, and the formulations are not reviewed by the FDA for safety.

The environment is “very much uncontrolled and poorly, if at all, regulated,” Ard said. “There is just no standard of care.”

Emily Hilliard, a spokesperson for the Department of Health and Human Services, told ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News that compounded drugs “should only be used in patients whose medical needs cannot be met by an FDA-approved drug.”

Hilliard said the agency urges “consumers to be vigilant and know the source of their medicine.”

Understanding the Risks

While weight loss drugs have helped millions of people lose weight, they’re not without risk, the data shows.

A ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News data analysis of the FDA’s Adverse Event Monitoring System found that medication errors made by providers or patients with popular weight loss drugs exploded from just over 2,000 reports in 2020 to over 25,000 in 2025. Those self-reported events involved semaglutide, tirzepatide, dulaglutide, and liraglutide, the generic names for leading GLP-1s.

Among frequent issues cited in the adverse event reports were administration of an extra or incorrect dose, issues with communication about a product, and prescribing errors.

Reports of GLP-1 Errors Explode (Column Chart)

Since 2019, the National Poison Data System has fielded a related to overdoses or side effects from injectable weight loss drugs. The data does not distinguish between overdoses tied to a telehealth prescription and those stemming from an in-person medical appointment, but it is a reflection of how prevalent these drugs have become.

Yet data on potential medication errors and adverse reactions to GLP-1 medications is incomplete, because many issues are never reported to federal officials.

For example, in a , the FDA accused drugmaker Novo Nordisk, the maker of Wegovy and Ozempic, of failing to report some adverse events to the federal government, including suicidal ideation and death.

Nobody knows how often adverse events occur, said Kristen Nixon, a Johns Hopkins University researcher who has studied posts about weight loss drugs on Reddit, a popular online forum.

Her team analyzed hundreds of Reddit posts from 2020 through last August and identified frequent mentions of drug reactions and user errors, such as patients’ not knowing how to correctly dose and inject the medication.

But another finding also stood out to her.

“Wow, there are a lot of people talking about telehealth,” Nixon recalled thinking. Reddit commenters said they got GLP-1 prescriptions from scores of telehealth platforms, Nixon found. Commenters also mentioned several dozen compounding pharmacies — often in the same posts about telehealth.

Pharmacies are typically required to counsel patients on medications they receive. But Nixon’s research found that telehealth companies often mail the medications directly, meaning patients do not need to go to a pharmacy.

“Anecdotally, it seems like the telehealth companies are really facilitating access to compounded medications,” Nixon said.

A collage of 6 advertisements for online GLP-1 medication.
A collage of weight loss drug advertisements on social media from telehealth companies. In recent months, the Trump administration has sent warning letters to online companies for false or misleading claims related to compounded versions of GLP-1 medications. (Collage by ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News)

Leslie Gammon, 54, an office manager from Wendell, North Carolina, said she turned to a telehealth company called Amble Health for a weight loss drug prescription. She was given a GLP-1 after filling out an online form, she said.

Like McClain, when she received her mail-order compounded medication in late October, she thought the dosage that accompanied it seemed too high. She’d received a box of semaglutide earlier in the month with a much lower dose. But the refill she received was a stronger formulation, and the instructions told Gammon to inject three times the volume she had been taking in previous weeks.

Even though she injected slightly less than that recommended amount before bed on a Sunday evening, she woke up in the middle of the night “throwing up every 20 to 25 minutes,” she said. And it didn’t stop until Tuesday. She was eventually admitted to a hospital in Raleigh and now owes the hospital over $9,000, a medical bill shows.

Amble Health did not respond to questions for this article.

The delivery system for injectable versions of weight loss drugs is more complicated than for a pill. In its National Poison Data System alert, America’s Poison Centers noted that some people reported “accidentally taking 10-times the recommended dose due to confusing measurement units while using a syringe.”

And people who are eager to lose extra weight — before a wedding or a vacation, for example — may choose to self-administer a higher-than-recommended dose, said Arthur Caplan, a bioethics professor at New York University’s Grossman School of Medicine.

Some telehealth companies aren’t doing enough, he said, to make sure patients understand the risks or the complex delivery system associated with the injectable drugs.

“The consent is not adequate,” Caplan said. “There’s no probing to see if you understood anything.”

Cella, with the American Telemedicine Association, said the group has not addressed the difficulty of educating patients about the risks of injecting weight loss drugs. But she pointed to the association’s “,” which states that telehealth business models “must put the patient first.”

Proceed With Caution

Pharmaceutical companies must list potentially harmful side effects when they advertise the name-brand versions of their FDA-approved medications. Potential include nausea, vomiting, changes in vision, low blood sugar, and, in rare cases, thyroid cancer. Meanwhile, telehealth companies have not historically followed the same rules that drugmakers have in disclosing medication risks in advertisements. But the FDA has started cracking down on misleading drug ads.

A national shortage of weight loss medications in 2022 opened the door for compounding pharmacies to manufacture these drugs. But since the FDA declared the shortage over last year, companies that offer compounded drugs are increasingly facing legal and regulatory challenges related to their marketing tactics.

Mounjaro manufacturer Eli Lilly and other drugmakers are suing multiple telehealth companies for promoting compounded versions of their drugs. In one legal complaint, Eli Lilly alleged Mochi Health had engaged in “deceptive” business tactics. In a motion to dismiss the lawsuit last year, lawyers for Mochi Health called the complaint part of a “nationwide campaign to bolster Lilly’s profits by dictating patient care through the elimination of compounded drugs as a treatment option for weight management.” The lawsuit is ongoing.

Eli Lilly spokesperson Michael Jamison said in a written comment that telehealth companies sued by the drug manufacturer threaten “patient safety by falsely promoting supposedly ‘personalized’ compounded tirzepatide” and mislead “consumers about the safety, clinical testing, and effectiveness of their compounded knockoffs.”

Meanwhile, Novo Nordisk has filed 130 lawsuits against “entities engaged in unlawful marketing and sale of knockoff semaglutide drugs,” said Liz Skrbkova, a spokesperson for the drugmaker.

She said the company is committed to “protecting patients from unapproved knockoff drugs made with foreign, inauthentic active pharmaceutical ingredients that pose significant safety and efficacy risks.”

The Trump administration sent a in September and February to online companies such as , , , and . The FDA said these and other companies had made false or misleading claims related to compounded versions of weight loss drugs.

“Your claims imply that your products are the same as an FDA-approved product when they are not,” the agency’s Center for Drug Evaluation and Research on Sept. 9. HHS later referred the company to the Department of Justice after it announced the launch of a $49 version of Novo Nordisk’s Wegovy pill.

When asked about the FDA warning, Abby Reisinger-Moley, a spokesperson for Hims & Hers, pointed to a announcing a shift away from compounded weight loss drugs. The company said in the press release that it had entered into an agreement with Novo Nordisk to sell name-brand versions.

Alex Smith, CEO of Join Josie, an online platform that helps women in menopause lose weight by prescribing GLP-1s, said his company also made changes in response to an FDA letter, to include removing Join Josie’s name from medication vials. “Which I agree with,” Smith said, “because you don’t want patients thinking you’re the compounding pharmacy.”

SkinnyRx and Genesis Health International did not respond to requests for comment.

But these warnings aren’t the first time the federal government has stepped in to ensure that telemedicine is being used appropriately, said Mei Wa Kwong, executive director of the Center for Connected Health Policy.

Prior cases involved attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder medications and other controlled substances prescribed by telehealth providers, she said. While those drugs pose more risk to patients than GLP-1s, the companies were also accused of improperly screening potential customers.

The onus still falls on consumers to research companies before signing up for their services, Kwong said.

“Always approach anything on the internet with a hint of skepticism,” Kwong said.

A woman stands beside her kitchen counter and dining table and faces the camera.
McClain was admitted to the hospital after injecting nearly nine times the amount of semaglutide that patients typically take as a first dose of the popular weight loss drug. That’s what her prescription from a telehealth provider had dictated. (Arielle Weenonia Gray for ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News)

‘Keeps Getting Worse’

McClain, the Tennessee woman hospitalized this year after a GLP-1 overdose, said she lost 50 pounds a few years ago by taking a name-brand GLP-1 prescribed by her doctor.

At the time, the medication was covered by her health insurance. This year, when she was ready to take a GLP-1 again following a pregnancy, the drug was no longer covered for weight loss.

To save money by obtaining a cheaper, compounded GLP-1, McClain signed up for Mochi Health after doing her own research. “That was just the most affordable option,” she said.

But within hours of her first dose, she said, she found herself on the phone with poison control.

After her overdose, McClain said, she spoke to a clinical director at Mochi Health, once by phone but mostly via email, about her lingering symptoms before communication paused.

David Pilip, a spokesperson for Mochi Health, said in a statement that the company would not discuss individual patients due to privacy obligations. But he said adverse events are “immediately flagged” and “investigated with extreme precision.”

“Mochi Health takes patient safety extremely seriously,” Pilip wrote in an email. “We promptly initiated a review and have been in direct and ongoing communication with the patient to reach a resolution. We remain committed to doing so.”

McClain anticipates her healthcare bills related to the hospital stay will total at least $900. She said that to get the $159 refund for her three-month membership and reimbursement for the hospital expenses, she has been asked to sign a document saying she won’t take legal action against the company. Her experience, she said, “just keeps getting worse.”

NBC News producer Jessica Herzberg and ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News senior correspondent Fred Schulte contributed to this report.

Do you have an experience using an online company for healthcare services or medicinal products that you think others should know about? Click here to contact our reporting team.

ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/health-industry/glp1-weight-loss-drugs-telehealth-oversight-regulation-compounded-semaglutide/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">KFF Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

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That Discount at the Pharmacy Counter May Pack Hidden Costs /health-care-costs/pharmacy-discount-coupons-hidden-costs/ Thu, 07 May 2026 09:00:00 +0000 Next time you go to the pharmacy, you might be offered a coupon on your prescription drugs. While it may sound like a great deal — with the prospect of saving hundreds of dollars — the decision to accept it is complicated, especially for people with insurance.

Even as prescription drug costs rise, patients with commercial insurance have slowed their use of manufacturer-sponsored drug coupons in recent years, according to April 6 by the Journal of the American Medical Association.

Manufacturers are offering just as many of them, “but still, we see a lot of affordability issues among this commercially insured population,” said So-Yeon Kang, the study’s main author, who is an assistant professor of health management and policy at Georgetown University.

“Patients are at the intersection and battle place between these payers and manufacturers,” she said.

Drug manufacturers distribute copay coupon cards to consumers online or in person at the pharmacy counter. These manufacturer-sponsored coupons are not the same as discount card services from companies like GoodRx, which negotiate lower bulk pricing for prescription drugs, then pass those savings along to the consumer.

Manufacturers issue the coupons to keep their drugs competitive by offering patients short-term savings. Consumers pay less out-of-pocket, often for brand-name drugs. This encourages patients to use the brand-name version of the drug, even when a cheaper, generic version might be available.

Some insurers say this unfairly puts them on the hook for pricier drugs. They say monthly premiums are higher as a result, punishing consumers and patients, not the manufacturers.

So, should you use manufacturer-sponsored prescription drug coupons when they are offered?

The short answer: It depends.

Here are five things to consider:

1. What if you do not have insurance?

If you are uninsured, using a coupon can be a great way to save money, especially if there is no generic version of the drug.

TrumpRx is a new federally funded initiative that acts as a prescription drug coupon dashboard for patients. Some of the coupons come from manufacturers, while others do not. Not every drug has a coupon offer, but the portal will save consumers money on drugs for those that do, especially in the short term.

Michelle Long, a senior policy manager at KFF who studies patient and consumer protections, said people without insurance can save money by using TrumpRx or manufacturer coupons. (KFF is the health policy research, polling, and news organization that includes ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News.)

“I wouldn’t brush it off entirely because it’s got Trump’s name on it,” Long said. “For a lot of people who take certain medications, there really could be some real savings.”

Still, Long said, TrumpRx lists only about 85 drugs, among thousands approved by the FDA. It is important to note that drug coupons have limitations and guidelines. They do not last forever. When they are exhausted, uninsured consumers may have to pay full price for the drug.

2. What if you have commercial health insurance?

For people with insurance, the answer is a little more complicated.

If the drug isn’t covered by your insurance plan or if you intend to pay cash, then the coupon may be the way to go. If not, be wary.

Insurance coverage varies for certain kinds of drugs, such as GLP-1 obesity drugs. Kang’s study found that coupon use by commercial insurance holders on obesity drugs dropped from 54.6% of prescriptions in 2017 to only 2.5% in 2024, even though use of the drugs has been rising in the United States.

She said this reflects the growing number of patients paying cash for the drugs as prices decline, along with insurers’ reluctance to cover them and manufacturers’ shifting focus from coupon distribution to marketing campaigns.

3. What should you do if you expect high medical costs this year?

If you have insurance and anticipate meeting your deductible for the year through health care visits and treatments, consider using the coupons.

Coupons let you pay less out-of-pocket when you visit the pharmacy, but your insurer likely won’t count the value of the coupon toward your deductible. Only use a coupon if there is no generic option available and if you know you’d otherwise hit your deductible.

4. What if you have insurance but low overall medical costs?

The answer will almost always be: Don’t use the coupon.

Unless the drug you are looking for is not covered by your insurance plan, using coupons will put you at risk for higher indirect costs. It’s also often more advantageous to spend toward your deductible.

Watch out for copay adjustment programs that insurers use to discourage the use of drug coupons. They come in two common forms, Long said.

“” allow the use of drug coupons up to their full value, but the amount of the coupon won’t count toward patients’ deductibles or out-of-pocket maximums. That makes it harder for them to reach the threshold at which insurers will pitch in on prescriptions and other medical care. It can also mean a patient will eventually start paying the full cost of the drug because they haven’t yet met their annual deductible.

“Copay maximizers” use a similar technique that also prevents the coupon value from counting toward deductibles. Maximizer programs use a third party to over the course of a year to match the amount of the manufacturers’ coupons.

Insurers sometimes offer the programs to consumers under euphemistic names like “Employee Savings Program” that sound good in theory, but, in reality, take away some of the value of the coupons, Long said.

Initially, consumers will see savings at the pharmacy counter, but they may end up paying more in the long run.

5. What if you’re on Medicaid or Medicare?

Medicare and Medicaid beneficiaries are prohibited from using manufacturer-sponsored coupons.

A federal anti-kickback law makes it illegal to give someone anything of value to influence their decision to purchase something that will ultimately be paid for by a federal health care program. The law also prevents remuneration, which includes waiving copays and charging less than fair-market value for a product.

Manufacturer drug coupons categories.

Some states, notably California and Massachusetts, prohibit or limit the use of manufacturer drug coupons when a generic version of the drug is available — highlighting the tension among manufacturers, health plans, and the government.

ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/health-care-costs/pharmacy-discount-coupons-hidden-costs/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">KFF Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

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Trump Promised Cheaper Drugs. Some Prices Dropped. Many Others Shot Up. /health-care-costs/trumprx-reality-check-drugs-not-always-cheaper/ Thu, 07 May 2026 09:00:00 +0000 Since his second term started, President Donald Trump has announced, negotiated, or floated a flurry of initiatives aimed at taming the excesses of the pharmaceutical industry.

No surprise. About are “worried about being able to afford prescription drug costs for themselves or their families,” a recent KFF nationwide poll showed. More than 80% consider the price of prescription drugs “unreasonable,” and most support increased regulation to lower costs. Americans pay about three times as much as people in other countries for the same prescription drugs.

Last July, Trump sent letters to 17 drugmakers, demanding they voluntarily lower drug prices. Then the president said he’d negotiated one by one at the White House. In December, that he had compelled them to agree to on Medicaid, the government coverage for low-income Americans.

Then came the , a site where cash-paying patients could find discounted medicines, and a promise to speed biosimilar products — generic versions of certain high-priced specialty drugs — by cutting through FDA red tape.

The scope of these grand gestures remains uncertain. But it’s certainly less than what the announcement promised, partly because many details of the negotiations, even which drugs are covered, are hazy.

White House spokesperson Kush Desai did not answer queries about TrumpRx.

Medicaid already buys drugs at deep discounts. And other patients may well have better options through commercial drug discount programs, which offer far more products, or through their insurance and associated drug company copayment cards.

So, for all Trump’s showmanship, the share of Americans likely to benefit from these options remains slim, even if some people do come out ahead.

“If it makes a difference to any patient, it’s a win,” said Mark Cuban, a billionaire investor on his own mission to bring down drug prices. He pointed to discounted pricing on TrumpRx for branded fertility drugs and GLP-1 weight loss drugs for people without insurance or whose plans don’t include coverage. Cuban launched the Mark Cuban Cost Plus Drug Co., known as Cost Plus Drugs, in 2022 to sell drugs cheaply by eliminating middlemen — buying from factories and selling directly to consumers. Most of the drugs he sells are generics.

Aaron Kesselheim, a professor of medicine at Harvard Medical School whose research focuses on drug prices, said the Trump announcements are “one-off agreements made for publicity purposes. They don’t change anything about the way drugs are priced.”

He added: “The agreements are opaque and unenforceable.”

It was unclear, for example, which drugs would be sold at “most favored nation” prices or how exactly that was defined. But, clearly, not all were.

Doing the Math

46brooklyn, a consulting firm and data project that tracks brand-name drug prices, found that close to 1,000 brand drugs went up in price in January 2026. What’s more, 2025 had the highest number of list price increases ever. “This is not a material change, it’s business as usual,” said Antonio Ciaccia, the company’s co-founder.

In the first week of 2026, Pfizer raised the list prices of 71 drugs by an average of 5% and lowered the price of only one, by 9.8%, the data project found.

The biggest win for patients has likely been the Trump administration’s quiet continuation of a Biden administration program: Medicare drug price negotiation for expensive drugs. The negotiated discounts on the — from blood thinners to insulins to medicines for inflammatory disorders — went into effect Jan. 1. With reductions in price of on some products, the estimated $6 billion in annual savings allowed the program to cap Medicare patients’ out-of-pocket spending on Part D prescription drugs at $2,000 for 2025 and beyond.

What Patients Will Find in the Mix-and-Match World of American Pricing (Table)

An additional 15 high-priced drugs — including popular weight loss and cancer drugs — were subject to negotiation in 2025, with discounted Medicare prices taking effect next year. And 15 more high-priced drugs are . All told, the 40 negotiated drug prices are expected to save Medicare well over $20 billion a year.

Even as these discounts take effect, drug industry lobbyists have been working to limit the impact, with some success. For example, the One Big Beautiful Bill Act from negotiations.

Still, “this is historic because it’s the first time the United States has negotiated prices, like every other developed country,” Kesselheim said. “And guess what? Innovation didn’t stop.”

Of course, these discounts benefit only Medicare enrollees. The newer Trump administration initiatives help some other patients, but they are limited and require knowledge of how to access the discounts.

What Patients Will Find in the Mix-and-Match World of American Pricing (Table)

Trump’s One-on-Ones

The president’s televised appearances with the heads of major drug companies resulted in deals, but few, if any, will mean much to patients. For example, after Trump met with Albert Bourla, CEO of Pfizer, the company announced discounts on 30-plus drugs. Bourla “a win for American patients, a win for American leadership, and a win for Pfizer.”

The discounts are offered via TrumpRx, which, in turn, offer coupons co-branded on GoodRx.com, which already offers discount coupons for many hundreds of medicines.

Pfizer made hay of the deal, announcing it was part of Pfizer’s broader, landmark with the U.S. government, enabling patients to pay lower prices for their prescription medicines “while strengthening America’s role as the global leader in biopharmaceutical innovation.”

Pfizer spokesperson Steven Danehy cited a press release from September noting that the TrumpRx site offers patients savings that “range as high as 85%.”

Most of the list features brand-name drugs, competing with far cheaper generic versions from other manufacturers, such as the cholesterol-lowering drug Colestid, which TrumpRx lists for “50% off” at $127.91. Generic versions cost about $17 on the Cost Plus site.

This means the branded companies aren’t making a sacrifice by offering them at lower costs as reflected on Trump’s portal, said Sean Tu, a patent law expert at the University of Alabama. “That’s a sale they would not have made if not for TrumpRx.”

Others are very old drugs, such as Cortef, or hydrocortisone, whose 5-milligram branded Pfizer version is listed at $45 on TrumpRx, half its list price of $91.80. It sells for far less on Cuban’s Cost Plus site. Still others, such as the $607.20 HIV treatment Viracept, are useful only in combination with other drugs that are not discounted.

Last week, TrumpRx added AbbVie’s Humira, for years the world’s best-selling drug, at $950 a dose, down from a list price of nearly $7,000. But Humira lost its patent protection in 2023, and biosimilars — essentially generic equivalents — have since come to market. More to the point, two of those biosimilars are listed on TrumpRx for as little as $207.60 a dose.

Since most of the TrumpRx products are available only to customers without insurance who pay cash, the arthritis drug Xeljanz’s drop from $2,277 to $1,518 a month would still leave it unaffordable.

A Few Notable Deals

The much-touted TrumpRx site, launched Feb. 6, consists largely of Pfizer’s 30 drugs (30 of roughly 85) with a smattering of discounts likely to generate headlines.

These include three fertility drugs from EMD Serono, a subsidiary of the pharmaceutical giant Merck KGaA, the most expensive of which, Gonal-F, has a list price of $966 but is only $168 per IVF cycle using a TrumpRx coupon.

They will save women thousands of dollars — although the overall cost of fertility treatment will continue to put them beyond the reach of many, since drugs represent only a portion of the payment.

The TrumpRx discounts could reduce the $15,000-to-$25,000 cost of a single fertility treatment cycle — women typically need two or three cycles to become pregnant — by about 10%, said Sean Tipton, spokesperson for the American Society for Reproductive Medicine. In some European countries, each cycle costs about $3,000.

In exchange for lowering those prices, EMD Serono got tariffs lifted on its mostly overseas-produced medications. It also won the right to a sped-up FDA approval process for a fertility drug it’s been marketing heavily in Europe.

Another newsworthy offering on the site resulted from a deal with Novo Nordisk for Wegovy, its GLP-1 drug for weight loss and diabetes, with the price reduced to as little as $199 a month for the pen. (Many insurers cover such drugs only for diabetes, leaving those who are interested in losing weight paying out-of-pocket. Zepbound, Wegovy’s Lilly & Co. competitor, is also on the list, at $299.)

Pressure has been building on Novo and Lilly to lower the U.S. price of their GLP-1 drugs. The compounds have lost patent protection in India, and pressure from customers buying overseas will likely increase when generic Wegovy goes on sale in Canada, for as low as $73 a month, possibly this year.

In the United States, meanwhile, dozens of patents should keep Wegovy generics off the market until 2039, said professor Robin Feldman, a patent expert at the University of California Law-San Francisco. A from the research group I-Mak delved into several ways patent manipulation keeps generics off the U.S. market long after they are available in European countries and Canada.

And while the Trump administration has vowed to approve biosimilars more rapidly to ensure more competition and lower prices, that may not have much impact. The big hurdle in getting generics and biosimilars to market is often not FDA approval, but the time it takes to override the thickets of patents that U.S. law allows manufacturers to deploy to protect their intellectual property.

For example, in 2021, the FDA approved a generic of Otezla, a popular drug for psoriatic arthritis, but it will not hit the market until 2028. Its entry would to Medicare if they charged the program more than other developed countries for “single source” drugs and biologics. That would essentially allow the Medicare program to piggyback on other countries that negotiate the prices of some of the most expensive medicines. Those programs are still going through the rulemaking process and, again, would benefit only those covered by the Medicare program and only indirectly.

The average patient-consumer, if willing to pay cash, may find some bargains. But getting the best deal could take a lot of mixing and matching, forcing patients to become choosy shoppers, eyeing deals for essential medicines as they would for a carton of milk or eggs.

Data reporter Maia Rosenfeld contributed to this article.

ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/health-care-costs/trumprx-reality-check-drugs-not-always-cheaper/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">KFF Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

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A New Medicare Option for Weight Loss Drugs: What Older Americans Should Know /medicare/cheaper-glp-1-weight-loss-medicare-bridge-wegovy-zepbound-foundayo/ Wed, 06 May 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2232451 Starting in July, Medicare beneficiaries may be able to get a GLP-1 prescription for weight loss for $50 a month. It’s a notable shift for Medicare, which has long been barred from covering weight loss treatments.

The drugs, such as Wegovy and Zepbound, are effective but can be expensive without insurance coverage. They’re available in injection or pill form. Even with discounts, current cash prices typically range from $149 to $699 per month.

About half of GLP-1 users say these drugs were difficult for them to afford, according to . A quarter said they were “very difficult” to afford.

But the new Medicare benefit comes with caveats, particularly around clinical guidelines and what happens when the short-term program ends.

What Is This Program?

The initiative, announced by the , is a short-term pilot program known as the Medicare GLP-1 Bridge. It will run from July 1, 2026, through Dec. 31, 2027. It’s meant to “bridge” the gap before a longer-term program that might — or might not — begin in 2028.

The pilot program will offer coverage for the following GLP-1 medications approved for weight loss: the pill and injectable formulations of Wegovy, the KwikPen formulation of Zepbound, and the Foundayo pill.

Who Can Participate?

To get access to these weight loss medications, you must be enrolled in a Medicare Part D plan, which covers prescription drugs. After that, eligibility is based mainly on body weight and health status. People will qualify if they have a of 27 or higher and have a condition such as heart disease or prediabetes, among others. People with BMIs of 35 or higher automatically qualify. About are clinically obese, with a BMI of 30 or higher, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

How the Program Works (It’s a Bit Unusual)

This is not your typical Medicare benefit. Even though Part D enrollment is required, the Bridge program itself works differently.

Instead of going through your regular Part D plan, you will need prior authorization. Your doctor will send the prescription to a central system run by CMS contractor Humana, using a system already in place for another Medicare drug program. Doctors don’t need to be enrolled as Medicare providers to write a prescription or submit a prior authorization request under this program. Once they get approval, patients will pay the flat $50 copayment at the pharmacy when they pick up the prescription.

What Are the Benefits?

The cost savings could make these drugs accessible to patients who simply couldn’t afford them before. Even with discounts, the prices can be daunting without insurance coverage. TrumpRx, a new government website, provides links to direct-to-consumer prescription drug discounts for patients not using their health insurance. On that site, Wegovy injectables range in price from $199 for a lower dosage for the first two months to $399 for a higher dosage. The KwikPen formulation of Zepbound costs up to $699 per month. At the highest dosages, the daily Wegovy pill costs up to $299 while Foundayo tops out at $349.

Most people who use these drugs will need a higher dose to maintain weight loss. The Bridge program is unique in that it offers a predictable $50 copayment that does not go up as dosages increase.

What Are the Downsides?

Like many pilot programs, there are trade-offs. The $50 copay will not count toward the Part D deductible, nor does it count toward the $2,100 annual out-of-pocket cap on prescription drug costs. The pilot program will also end in December 2027. Most that many people who stop using the GLP-1 drugs regain weight they lost while taking them.

Still Obstacles for Those With Low Incomes

If you receive the low-income subsidy, also known as the Medicare program, you cannot use that assistance for the drugs covered by the GLP-1 Bridge program. For beneficiaries accustomed to paying a $5 or $10 copay for their pharmaceuticals, a $50 copay could still be a big financial barrier.

“Fifty dollars a month sounds like a great deal compared to paying the discounted prices through TrumpRx and these other direct-to-consumer options, but it’s a lot of money for somebody who’s living on a $750-a-month Social Security check,” said Juliette Cubanski, deputy director of the Program on Medicare Policy at KFF, a health information nonprofit that includes ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News.

The $50 Copay Is Only for Weight Loss

If you’re already taking one of these medications for a qualifying condition such as Type 2 diabetes, cardiovascular disease risk reduction, or sleep apnea, you’ll continue to get it through your regular Part D plan. That means you’ll pay your plan’s price, which may be higher than the $50 Bridge copay, meaning the same drug could cost different amounts depending on the reason it is prescribed.

If you’re already on a GLP-1 for weight loss, you may qualify for the Bridge program. Your prescriber will need to attest that you met the clinical criteria when you first started the medication. For example, if you started a GLP-1 in September 2024 with a BMI of 37 but in July 2026 you’ve lost weight and now have a BMI of 34, the prescriber should attest in the prior authorization request that you met the BMI criteria of 35 or over when the GLP-1 therapy started.

What Happens After 2027?

The Trump administration had proposed a two-step approach to expand coverage of GLP-1s for obesity in Medicare. The Bridge program was initially planned to last six months — after that, the idea was to launch a longer-term program that would shift the cost of the drugs from the government to insurers. A found the long-term program would have cost insurance companies billions of dollars in the first year. Not enough insurers signed on for the voluntary plan by the April deadline, so CMS instead announced it would extend the Bridge program to 18 months, with a new end date of December 2027.

The move will give insurance companies more data on how many people with Medicare get GLP-1 drugs during the Bridge program and more time to negotiate with the Trump administration.

But extending the Bridge program will be “really expensive” for Medicare, Cubanski said, because the program heavily subsidizes the cost of the drugs.

“There’s no sense right now of the cost of the Bridge model, but it is likely to be billions of dollars a year in additional spending for Medicare,” Cubanski said.

The cost to Medicare will depend largely on how many people use the Bridge program. CMS has not provided any projections publicly, but a estimated that in 2020 close to 14 million Medicare beneficiaries were overweight or obese.

“This will just cost additional money, and we don’t know how much, because they haven’t disclosed it,” Cubanski said.

Are you on Medicare and interested in getting a GLP-1 for weight loss? Is a $50 copay manageable? Click here to contact ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News’ reporting team.

ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/medicare/cheaper-glp-1-weight-loss-medicare-bridge-wegovy-zepbound-foundayo/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">KFF Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

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The Supreme Court Case That Could Slow Generic Drugs /podcast/an-arm-and-a-leg-supreme-court-generic-drugs-skinny-labels/ Tue, 05 May 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2232952&post_type=podcast&preview_id=2232952 The Supreme Court has heard a about “” on generic drugs. It could shape the future of affordable prescriptions in America.

The same medication can be used to treat many conditions. And each use can have its own patent, even though the drug itself never changes. When patents expire, companies can make their own generic versions — but only so long as they make it clear that it can’t be used for anything else that still has a patent. This is what’s called a “skinny label.”

But in , one patent holder says generic manufacturers aren’t playing by the rules. The petitioners allege some drugmakers are writing skinny labels with a wink to doctors that their cheaper generic pill can be swapped in for more expensive patented ones.

An Arm and a Leg senior producer Emily Pisacreta talks with legal experts and doctors about how this case got to the highest court in the land and what a ruling could mean for how many and how quickly new generic drugs reach the market.

Dan Weissmann Host and producer of "An Arm and a Leg." Previously, Dan was a staff reporter for Marketplace and Chicago's WBEZ. His work also appears on "All Things Considered," Marketplace, the BBC, 99% Invisible, and "Reveal," from the Center for Investigative Reporting.

Credits

Emily Pisacreta Producer
Claire Davenport Producer
Adam Raymonda Audio wizard
Ellen Weiss Editor
Click to open the Transcript Transcript: The Supreme Court case that could slow generic drugs

Note: “An Arm and a Leg” uses speech-recognition software to generate transcripts, which may contain errors. Please use the transcript as a tool but check the corresponding audio before quoting the podcast.

Dan: Hey there– 

Dr. Anmol Gupta is a resident physician at the University of Michigan. One day a week, he drives thirty miles north of Ann Arbor to a rural clinic and for a lot of his patients there, it’s the only doctor they can get to within an hour.

Dr. Gupta: They have to travel the furthest. They’re often the ones that are uninsured or on Medicaid. They often are coming and seeking care later than you’d wish they had access to care.

Dan: So they’re sicker. And the cost of prescription drugs comes up in like every single visit.

Dr. Gupta: I’m meeting patients who are just now being able to afford medications who maybe weren’t able to five, 10 years ago who needed it then.   

Dan: Take statins, the cholesterol-lowering drugs. One of the most popular brand-name versions, Crestor, finally went generic in 2016. Before that, a lot of patients like Dr. Gupta’s simply couldn’t afford it.. So now he wants generic versions for today’s expensive drugs to reach his patients as soon as possible. 

Dr. Gupta: We’re trying to prevent long term risks here. The faster we can start these medications, the better the outcomes in hopefully preventing devastating things like heart attacks and strokes.

Dan: Which is why what’s about to happen at the Supreme Court matters so much to him — and to millions of patients like his.

This spring — actually, this week — the court is hearing arguments in a case that could make it harder, and slower, for cheaper generic drugs to become available to patients.

This is An Arm and a Leg, a show about why health care costs so freaking much, and what we might be able to do about it. I’m Dan Weissmann, I’m a reporter, and I like a challenge. So the job we’ve chosen here is to take one of the most enraging, terrifying, depressing parts of American life, and bring you something entertaining, empowering, and useful.

Our show’s senior producer, Emily Pisacreta, flagged this Supreme Court case for us months ago.

Emily, you’ve been reporting the heck out of it ever since. 

Emily: Dan, I talked with lawyers. I talked with doctors. I talked with one guy who is both a lawyer and a doctor. And the good news is, you don’t need to be any of those things to understand what’s going on here.

Dan: Great — take it away.

Emily: Let’s start with the basics. When a drug company invents a new medicine, they get a patent – basically an exclusive right to sell it for about twenty years – sometimes a couple extra years.  Exclusive, without competition. That’s part of why brand-name drugs cost so much.

But when the patent expires, other companies can make a generic version of the exact same drug. Those generics usually sell for much cheaper. The legal rules of this brand vs. generic deal got hashed out back in 1984, in a law called Hatch-Waxman. We talked all about that in our last episode – but don’t worry if you missed it.

Sean Tu: Hatch-Waxman made this balance between giving protection to brand-name manufacturers to innovate and create new drugs, but then once their patents expire, the idea is we open it up for generic competition.

Emily: That’s Professor Sean Tu. He teaches law at the University of Alabama. He also has a PhD in pharmacology and a history working in the biotech industry. Sean helped write a legal brief in this case on the side of the generic drug maker.

He says this case is about that balance that Hatch Waxman tried to create. Because, drug companies don’t just file one patent and leave it at that. They file a whole stack of them… Starting with a patent on the drug itself —  the “molecule” – And then a second patent on how the drug is used. So when the first patent runs out, they might still have years of protection left on the second one. 

But it doesn’t end there. They can also patent new uses of that drug.

Sean Tu: Here’s an example and I’m just gonna make one up. I have a drug X that was first approved for diabetes. But let’s say the patent expires in 2000. And then later on I get a new patent for that same drug to treat cancer but that patent doesn’t expire until 2020.

Emily: Hatch-Waxman’s rules say generic drugmakers don’t have to wait until 2020 to sell a generic for treating diabetes. 

But they do have to be careful with their generic drug’s label

In the world of Hatch Waxman, the label is not just the white sticker on the orange bottle you get from the pharmacy.  

The label means all that folded-up paperwork full of small type that comes with your prescription.

It’s full of technical information about the drug. So if a generic drug-maker sells a version of Sean Tu’s made-up drug for diabetes, they have to make sure that “label” doesn’t mention that the drug can also treat cancer. In the industry they call this a ‘skinny label” 

And skinny labels are a BIG part of getting generic drugs to market — making them available– quickly. The industry says four out of ten generics get launched with a skinny label.

So, skinny labels are the big legal idea at the heart of this supreme court case. 

Now let’s talk about the specific drug in this legal tug-of-war. It’s called Vascepa.

Commercial voiceover: Discover the science of prescription VASCEPA proven in multiple clinical trials.

Emily: Vascepa’s made by a company called Amarin,  and it’s their only product. It comes from fish oil, and it’s been approved by the FDA for two different uses — well, kind of different. 

First, in 2012, to treat a rare condition involving dangerously high levels of a certain kind of fat in the blood. 

A few years later, Vascepa got approved for another condition, one that affects a lot more people: people with only slightly too much of that fat in their blood. 

Commercial voiceover: Prescription power. Proven to work now with a new indication. Ask your doctor about Vascepa.

Emily: That second approval meant a second patent for the second use. Meanwhile the patent on the first use was set to expire. When that happened, a generic manufacturer called Hikma jumped at the chance  to come to market with a cheaper, generic version. 

Newscaster: ??Finally talk quickly about Hikma Pharmaceuticals. London listed under the code HIK, but founded in Jordan [fade under] …

Emily: In 2020, Hikma launched their generic with a skinny label on the packaging. They say that skinny label was carefully written: That it only described the unpatented original use. That they definitely left out any mention of the second use– the one that’s still patented.

But Amarin — the brand name manufacturer — didn’t see it that way…and they sued them.

Amarin’s argument has two parts. First, they say Hikma’s label, even though it left out the patented use, still referenced a study that was only conducted for that still-patented use. Second, they say that in press releases, on their website, and on investor calls, Hikma described their product a little too broadly,  including calling it, quote, “the generic version of Vascepa.”

Amarin says: put those two things together, and Hikma was effectively encouraging doctors to prescribe it for the use that’s still under patent. 

The legal term for this is ‘inducing infringement’.

There’s a pretty-famous Supreme Court case about inducing infringement –at least maybe famous to legal nerds:  It involved a file-sharing service called Grokster. The whole product was basically built to help people swap pirated music and movies. But instead of my entire high school graduating class getting sued for copyright infringement, Grokster did. For inducing it.

Sean Tu says induced infringement means YOU didn’t infringe the patent yourself, but you nudged someone else into doing it. On purpose.

Sean Tu: You have to have the intent to induce somebody to actually infringe the patent. Looking at the label, looking at these fairly innocuous marketing statements, I don’t think any of them induce a doctor to prescribe for the patented indication.

Emily: And here’s the thing, some of the people who agree with Sean Tu — they aren’t who you’d expect.

Greg Chopskie: Yeah. Amarin would have you believe that doctors pay attention to investor relations calls when making their prescribing decisions.

Emily: Greg Chopskie is a patent attorney who works mostly for brand-name drug companies. About a decade ago, he was part of a team that won a $2.15 billion settlement. It was one of the biggest brand-versus-generic lawsuits ever. So, he’s not exactly a cheerleader for generic drug makers.

But he says, until recently, a case like Amarin’s wouldn’t have legs. Except things took a big turn in 2021. 

That year a big brand-name drug company, GlaxoSmithKline, – we’ll call them GSK for short – they won $235 million in damages from a generic maker called Teva. The accusation: Induced infringement. Greg Chopskie says GSK’s victory really shook things up.

Greg Chopskie: What it did was make mundane market activities potential bases for infringement claims.

Emily: Mundane marketing activities like calling your drug the generic version of something. Saying it’s been rated equivalent by the FDA. Normal things generic companies say all the time. But now…

Greg Chopskie: The focus is on what’s printed on the label, what’s being said in the market, what your detailers are telling physicians, what you’re telling investors… a much bigger scope of activities could be used to find infringement.

Emily: Teva appealed their case to the Supreme Court, but the court took a pass on hearing it. Greg thinks the Court taking up the Hikma vs. Amarin case is a sign they regret that decision.

Greg Chopskie: I think this is a little bit of buyer’s remorse from the Supreme Court that they did not take the GSK case.

Emily: So just how important is this case? And what could it mean for us? That’s next.

Emily: This episode of An arm and a Leg is produced in partnership with ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News. That’s a nonprofit newsroom covering health issues in America. The folks at ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News are amazing journalists — their work wins all kinds of awards, every year, and we’re honored to work with them.

EmilyHow big of a deal is Hikma versus Amarin?

Sara Koblitz: So it’s, it’s a pretty big deal.

Emily: Sara Koblitz is a lawyer whose firm works with both brand-name and generic drug companies. She’s been watching this case closely, because however it goes, she says it changes how everybody in the industry operates.

And Sara says part of the reason it’s a big deal is because of how early in the process this case is being heard. No jury has weighed in. There hasn’t even been any discovery, no documents exchanged, there haven’t been any depositions. 

The question before the court is: Should this case just get tossed out without even having a trial?

Sara Koblitz: So it is deciding whether the case can continue and Amarin can continue to make those allegations against Hikma.

Emily: ?If it rules for Hikma, the generic company, the court could say, this KIND of a case just shouldn’t be a thing: Claiming “induced infringement” over what experts like Sara and Greg Chopskie say have been totally normal skinny-label practices for decades. 

The court could say: there’s no “there” there — and not just to Amarin.

Sara Koblitz: Theoretically, other companies should be on notice that they can’t bring induced infringement cases on such little evidence.

Emily: On the other hand, if the court rules AGAINST Hikma, that would be a big worry for every generic drug maker

Sara Koblitz: the idea that you can have a case go with very little evidence about what has been said to induce infringement will mean that it’s really easy to bring litigation against these generic companies. 

Emily:  Easy to bring litigation that would cost those generic companies millions of dollars to fight, Big money. And that’s just the cost if they win. If they lose… 

Sara Koblitz: The ramifications for being found guilty of induced infringement are really significant. It’s treble damages, so it’s three times the amount that the company would have made, but for the introduction of the generic drug. 

Emily: Which raises the big question here: If the Supreme Court rules against Hikma, and opens the door to lots of “induced infringement” cases, would generic companies keep trying to use a skinny label at all, or would they decide it’s just not worth the risk? 

And if they decide it’s not worth the risk and instead wait for all the patents to expire, does that mean we have to wait longer for generics?  

A 2019 study estimated that skinny labels come out an average of 3 years earlier than generics that come out after all of the patents have expired. And as Sara points out, that’s the average. Not the limit.

Sara Koblitz:  In some situations you, it could save you 10 years. You could be getting a product 10 years earlier than you would’ve gotten it if you had otherwise ?waited until the product was off patent to come to market.

Emily: And Sara is not the only one worried. In 2024, the FDA warned Congress that the GSK decision – the earlier case that set the stage for this fight – could “significantly impact the timely availability of generic drugs.” 

There’s already SOME data, from a very small study, suggesting generic companies are pulling back. Before the GSK ruling in 2021, about 43 percent of eligible drugs came to market with a skinny label. By 2023, researchers from Harvard found that only one out of five eligible drugs did so. 

Sara thinks that trend is the result of uncertainty after the GSK decision. And that Hikma vs. Amarin – no matter how the court rules – will clear away some confusion.

Sara Koblitz: ?I think that this case in particular is really important for generic companies so they can have certainty about what they’re doing and saying.

Emily: And if the Supreme Court rules in Amarin’s favor, Sean Tu worries that brand companies will get more creative about blocking skinny label competition – by filing more patents on how the drug is used–  patents that are so similar to each other that it’s almost impossible to write a label for just one of them.

Sean Tu: In the Amarin v Hikma case, the actual indication is  ‘really bad heart disease’ and ‘slightly bad heart disease’ – and then ‘preventing heart disease.’ That’s the kind of games I think are going to happen in the future.

<<<Music>>>

Emily: Oral arguments are Wednesday, April 29th. We’ll be listening. 

And you know who else will be listening? Dr. Gupta –the hospital resident we met at the very beginning of this episode. Along with his job practicing medicine, he volunteers with a group called Doctors for America — thats a group advocating for access to affordable health care. Including drugs.   

And he’s hoping the justices understand just what’s at stake for his patients.

Dr. Gupta: You know, as a doctor, when I’m sitting in front of a patient, right, I’m trying to figure out what’s the best medication for your disease. I see the benefit of generics when they come around. I’m seeing that now, but there’s still so many common medications that aren’t generics yet that people struggle to afford.

And if we can find a medication that you can afford, that’s best, right

Dan: Emily, thank you so much for getting us this story. 

Emily: Yeah, you bet. 

Dan: We’ll be back with another episode in a few weeks. Until then Take care of yourself.

This episode of An Arm and a Leg was produced by Emily Pisacreta, with help from Claire Davenport and me, Dan Weissmann— and edited by Ellen Weiss. 

Adam Raymonda is our audio wizard.

Our music is by Dave Weiner and Blue Dot Sessions. 

Claire Davenport is our engagement producer.

Sarah Ballema is our Operations Manager. Bea Bosco is our consulting director of operations. 

An Arm and a Leg is produced in partnership with ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News. That’s a national newsroom producing in-depth journalism about health issues in America and a core program at KFF, an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism.

 Zach Dyer is senior audio producer at ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News. He’s editorial liaison to this show.

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2232952
Health Spending Is Moving in Congress /podcast/what-the-health-430-congress-hhs-funding-health-policy-bill-january-22-2026/ Thu, 22 Jan 2026 19:25:00 +0000 /?p=2144642&post_type=podcast&preview_id=2144642 The Host
Julie Rovner photo
Julie Rovner ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News Read Julie's stories. Julie Rovner is chief Washington correspondent and host of ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News’ weekly health policy news podcast, "What the Health?" A noted expert on health policy issues, Julie is the author of the critically praised reference book "Health Care Politics and Policy A to Z," now in its third edition.

Congress appears ready to approve a spending bill for the Department of Health and Human Services for the first time in years — minus the dramatic cuts proposed by the Trump administration. Lawmakers are also nearing passage of a health measure, including new rules for prescription drug middlemen known as pharmacy benefit managers, that has been delayed for more than a year after complaints from Elon Musk, who at the time was preparing to join the incoming Trump administration.

However, Congress seems less enthusiastic about the health policy outline released by President Donald Trump last week, which includes a handful of proposals that lawmakers have rejected in the past.

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News, Sandhya Raman of CQ Roll Call, Sheryl Gay Stolberg of The New York Times, and Paige Winfield Cunningham of The Washington Post.

Panelists

Sandhya Raman photo
Sandhya Raman CQ Roll Call
Sheryl Gay Stolberg photo
Sheryl Gay Stolberg The New York Times
Paige Winfield Cunningham photo
Paige Winfield Cunningham The Washington Post Read Paige's stories.

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

  • Congress is on track to pass a new appropriations bill for HHS, with the current, short-term funding set to expire next week. The bill includes a slight bump for some agencies and, notably, does not include deep cuts requested by Trump. But with the administration’s demonstrated willingness to ignore congressionally mandated spending, the question stands: Will Trump follow Congress’ instructions about how to spend the money?
  • A health package with bipartisan support is set to hitch a ride with the spending bill, after falling by the wayside in late 2024 under pressure from then-Trump adviser Musk. However, the president’s newly released list of health priorities largely isn’t reflected in the package. The GOP faces headwinds in the midterms after allowing expanded Affordable Care Act premium tax credits to expire, a change that’s expected to cost many Americans their health insurance.
  • One year into the second Trump administration, its policies are particularly evident in the political takeover of the nation’s public health infrastructure, the growing number of uninsured Americans, and creeping brain drain in U.S.-based scientific research.
  • And Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has fired members of a panel overseeing the federal government’s vaccine injury compensation program. Kennedy is expected to remake the panel in an effort to expand the list of injuries for which the government will compensate Americans. The current list does not include autism.

Also this week, Rovner interviews oncologist and bioethicist Ezekiel Emanuel to discuss his new book, Eat Your Ice Cream: Six Simple Rules for a Long and Healthy Life.

And ºÚÁϳԹÏÍø News’ annual Health Policy Valentines contest is now open. You can enter the contest here.

Plus, for “extra credit” the panelists suggest health policy stories they read this week that they think you should read, too: 

Julie Rovner: CIDRAP’s “,” by Liz Szabo.

Sheryl Gay Stolberg: Rolling Stone’s “,” by Katherine Eban.

Paige Winfield Cunningham: Politico’s “,” by Amanda Chu.

Sandhya Raman: Popular Information’s “,” by Judd Legum.

click to open the transcript Transcript: Health Spending Is Moving in Congress

[Editor’s note: This transcript was generated using transcription software. It has been edited for style and clarity.] 

Julie Rovner: Hello from KFF Health News and WAMU public radio in Washington, D.C. Welcome to What the Health? I’m Julie Rovner, chief Washington correspondent for KFF Health News, and I’m joined by some of the best and smartest health reporters in Washington. We’re taping this week on Thursday, Jan. 22, at 10 a.m. As always, news happens fast and things might have changed by the time you hear this. So, here we go. 

Today we are joined via videoconference by Sandhya Raman of CQ Roll Call. 

Sandhya Raman: Good morning, everyone. 

Rovner: Sheryl Gay Stolberg of The New York Times. 

Sheryl Gay Stolberg: Hello, Julie. Glad to be here. 

Rovner: And Paige Winfield Cunningham of The Washington Post. 

Paige Winfield Cunningham: Hey, Julie. 

Rovner: Later in this episode, we’ll have my interview with Dr. Ezekiel Emanuel, whose new book, Eat Your Ice Cream, is both a takedown of the wellness industrial complex and a kinder, gentler way to live a more pleasant and meaningful life. But first, this week’s news. 

So, and I don’t want to jinx this, it looks like Congress might pass a spending bill for the Department of Health and Human Services that will become law â€” meaning not a continuing resolution â€” for the first time in years. And attached to that spending bill, scheduled for a vote in the House today, is a compromise health extenders deal that was dropped from the final spending bill in 2024 and which we’ll talk about in a minute. But first, the HHS appropriations bill. Sandhya, what are some of the highlights? 

Raman: So I think overall we just see a little bit of a slight increase for HHS compared to last year. Some agencies get a little bit of a bump: NIH [the National Institutes of Health], SAMHSA [the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration], HRSA [the Health Resources and Services Administration], Administration for Community Living. CDC [the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention] is kind of the same as last year. But then we do see some cuts in some places. Something that was getting watched a little bit was refugee and entrant assistance, given some of the different national news related to refugees and immigrants, and so that’s getting cut by about a billion. And some of the back-and-forth there is, some conservatives wanted more than that, some Democrats didn’t want that to be cut. I think the big thing in health care that we were waiting on on this was whether or not they would prohibit NIH forward funding, which is something the administration has been pushing for, just giving out a lump sum for grants through NIH rather than over a multiyear period. And the concern the Democrats had on that was that if you’re doing the lump sum all at first, fewer groups would get money for research. And so there is a prohibition on that, on doing the forward funding. 

Rovner: But just to be clear, the president, the administration, had asked for deep, deep cuts to the Department of Health and Human Services, and Congress is basically saying: Yep. Nope. 

Raman: Yeah. I think even if you look at what the House had proposed last year, they had cut a lot of programs, or proposed to cut a lot of, and that was not there. I think a lot of times, what we’ve seen is that even in Trump 1, there’d be a lot more proposed cuts in their proposal, when the White House puts out their blueprint, and then Congress comes to more of a medium point, kind of similar to previous years. So I think that was something that a lot of the health groups had celebrated, that they weren’t going to get the steep cuts that they thought could be part of the process. 

Rovner: Of course, the big question here is: Does the administration actually spend this money? We saw in 2025 them refusing to spend money, cutting grants, cutting off entire universities. And this is money that Congress had appropriated and that the administration is supposed to spend. Are they going to do it this time, is Congress? Have they put anything in this bill to ensure that the administration is going to do it this time? 

Raman: There’s a little bit here and there on some of that. I don’t think there’s quite the sweeping things that some Democrats would have wanted to prevent some of that. Just last week, we had the back-and-forth with SAMHSA grants getting pulled and then unpulled. And so there’s a little language related to that in there, just because that was such a big 24-hour issue. And then education funding is coupled with HHS, and there there is specific language saying you can’t transfer the money that would be for education into another department to dismantle it. So— 

Rovner: And, I would say, and basically, you can’t cut the Department of Education unless Congress says you can. 

Raman: Yeah. So there’s some things in there that are like that, but to get appropriations done, it has to be a bipartisan thing to get that to the finish line. So no one is going to get everything they wanted, not even President [Donald] Trump. 

Rovner: Yes, and I will point out that they are not there yet. The House has to pass this. The Senate has to pass this when they come back next week. We’ve got, apparently, a gigantic snowstorm coming towards Washington, D.C. So it’s moving in the right direction, but it’s not there yet. All right. Now onto the health package that’s catching a ride on this spending bill. What’s in it? And how close is it to the package that got stripped from the 2024 bill after Elon Musk tweeted that the bill was too many pages long? 

Raman: I think it’s fairly similar. We have a lot of the same PBM [pharmacy benefit manager] language that we had when that got dismantled, and a lot of these same kind of extenders that we see from time to time whenever we get an appropriations deal, extending things that are pretty bipartisan but just never have a place to ride elsewhere â€” National Health Service Corps, Special Diabetes Program, things like that. I think that since this time we haven’t had that pushback, we don’t have Elon Musk weighing in and kind of pulling the strings in the way that we did before, these have been very bipartisan provisions that both chambers have been saying that they want to get this done, they want to get this done as soon as possible, even in the beginning of last year. So I don’t sense that something’s really going to derail language targeting PBMs and stuff like that. 

Rovner: I would say the big piece of this is the deal that Congress came up with in 2024 to require more transparency on the part of these pharmacy benefit managers that everybody on both sides is accusing of pocketing some of the savings that they’re getting from drug companies and therefore making drug prices more expensive for employers and consumers. 

Raman: So I think that this has been such a priority that this is their shot to get it done. And it seems like as long as nothing derails appropriations in the next day and a half, then this is their chance to do that. 

Rovner: So what’s not in either of these packages are most of the pieces of the legislation that President Trump called for last week in his self-titled Great Healthcare Plan, with the PBM provisions being a major exception. What else is in Trump’s plan? And what are the prospects for passing it in pretty much any form this year? 

Winfield Cunningham: I would say not great. Yeah. A couple of things that struck me about this plan, which I would note was one page long: This is very Trumpy. Trump obviously loves, he’s a lot more into hauling pharmaceutical CEOs into the White House to make deals than he is crafting detailed policy. Because if you’re actually trying to do health care reform, this is not the way that you would do it. What you would do is actually spend a lot of time on the Hill seeing what Republicans can sign onto, and working with staff to craft detailed policies and etc., etc. But, yeah, so most of this stuff â€” yet I guess another big thing that struck me was a lot of this actually goes after insurers. There are some things in here that drugmakers don’t like, but Trump goes so far as to propose bypassing insurers entirely and sending money to people. And of course he doesn’t detail how that would work. And then there’s a lot of stuff in here about transparency by insurers. I would note the Affordable Care Act had some insurer transparency provisions already. 

So I think what this plan, if we want to call it a plan, reflects is just Trump’s desire to have something that he can call a “great” health care plan that he’s promised for a long time and which he’s going to talk a lot about. But yeah, I don’t think we’re going to see Republicans in Congress do much on this. Yeah, with the exception of the PBMs, which is pretty notable, and I think actually represents a really big win for the pharmaceutical industry, which has obviously felt under fire in this administration and has struck these deals with the White House, which they really don’t like. But they had been threatened that the administration would go further in trying to do this “most favored nation” price caps. And so it’s interesting because insurers are kind of Trump’s new target. That’s what I kind of read in this. And of course I would mention today that major insurers are testifying on the Hill because they’re under fire for raising insurance premiums. 

Rovner: Although, as we’ve noted many times, they’re raising insurance premiums because the cost of health care is going up. Yes, Sheryl. 

Stolberg: Julie, I think the political context of the Great Healthcare Plan, the so-called Great Healthcare Plan, is important. First of all, Republicans have had trouble for decades coming up with some kind of health plan, even before the Affordable Care Act was passed and signed into law in 2010. They weren’t able to do it then. President Trump famously said “nobody knew” that health care was “so complicated.” He’s in a situation now where Republicans have stripped many Americans of their health insurance by letting the extended Obamacare credits expire, and we’re going into a midterm election season in which his party and he have promised repeatedly that they were going to come up with a plan. He said he had a concept of a plan. I think this plan, so to speak, is not even a concept of a plan, and its primary provision actually lifts from what Sen. [Bill] Cassidy was promoting, which was to steer money away from insurance companies and toward consumers. Trump kind of latched onto that. He doesn’t say that explicitly in this 325-word proposal, but it seems clear to me that that is his idea, and that is just not a workable idea. 

He wants, they want, to move money into health savings accounts. I cracked up my elbow earlier this year. I had surgery to repair it. I saw the bill. The bill was $122,000. I am very blessed to have good health insurance through my company. There is no way that the government is going to steer that kind of money into a health savings account for an uninsured person. These are accounts that are meant to be sort of supplemental to spend on relatively small expenditures. And if you are an uninsured person, there is really no way that you can cover yourself. And that’s basically what this so-called “great” American health care plan is proposing, which I suspect, if most Americans really looked at it, they would say, is not so great. 

Rovner: Yeah. I also, I broke my wrist this summer. I also had surgery, although I had outpatient surgery, and it cost $30,000. So it’s, yeah, health care is really expensive, which, as I said, is why insurance premiums are going up. So, this week marks a year since the start of Trump 2.0, and it would take us the rest of the year to detail all that has changed in health policy. But I did want to hit a few themes, some of which you’ve started to talk about, Sheryl. One is the administration’s effort to basically end the federal public health structure as we know it. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta has basically been taken over by political appointees, most of them without health experience or expertise. Sheryl, you’re our public health expert here. What does it mean for public health to be basically ceded back to the states? 

Stolberg: Well, I think this is kind of a novel experiment here. The core of the CDC is its infectious disease programs. Now, over the decades, since the 1970s, the CDC has greatly expanded its remit to cover things like chronic disease and gun violence prevention and auto safety, etc. But its core is infectious disease. And we know that infectious disease knows no borders. So what we risk having here is a patchwork of state-by-state vaccine recommendations, where some states will follow the CDC’s recommendations, presumably those that are red states. This was never political before. And we’re seeing some states, like blue states like New York and Massachusetts and other New England states, kind of coming together to put forth their own vaccine recommendations. I think this has implications for what vaccines will be covered and what vaccines will be offered by the Vaccines for Children Program, which was created by [President] Bill Clinton to cover poor kids and make sure they get vaccinated. I don’t think we know how that’s going to play out. 

I saw [Health and Human Services] Secretary [Robert F.] Kennedy [Jr.] yesterday in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, and he insisted that he’s not taking any vaccines away from anyone. If you want your vaccines, you can get them. But the truth is that for decades, the American public and the medical establishment have relied on the CDC to provide guidance. The CDC doesn’t mandate anything, but it provides really important guidance to the country, and the agency is crippled now. Its guidance is not going to be followed. And I think we’re in uncharted territory here. We’re already seeing measles is on the rise. The country’s about to lose its measles elimination status, which we acquired in 2000. Whooping cough is on the rise. 

Rovner: Basically things we know we can prevent with vaccines. 

Stolberg: Exactly, exactly. 

Winfield Cunningham: One of the things I keep thinking about is, Kennedy says over and over again that if you’re a mom, you should do your own research. And it seems like a lot of the effects here is stepping away from this broad recommendation to now this patchwork of recommendations. So when you go to your pediatrician, you might hear guidance based on AAP’s [the American Academy of Pediatrics’] guidance, for example. States are doing different things. And as a parent, when you go to your pediatrician, it all of a sudden, I think, becomes a lot more confusing, especially if you’re someone who maybe already has a little bit of hesitancy about vaccines. 

I was in with our pediatrician last week and asked her what they’re seeing, and people are coming in with a lot more questions. And interestingly, they actually are changing their policy for mandatory vaccines. They actually had required every patient to be up to date by age 2 with the CDC-recommended vaccines. Now those vaccines that are under shared clinical decision-making, they’re no longer going to require those. And it’s not, and they’re going to continue to recommend them, but I think they’re concerned that patients are going to come in and they’re saying: Hey, the CDC doesn’t necessarily recommend these now. I’m worried about them. So it’s put pediatricians in a difficult place. But, yeah, it’s, as a parent, you’re having to make a million decisions about your children, and this just kind of makes that more complicated and confusing, potentially, for parents. 

Rovner: And takes time away from doctors who would like to counsel about other things, too. 

Stolberg: I just want to add one thing about that. Kennedy says do your own research. And if you read the package inserts on a vaccine, you’re going to see that vaccines have side effects, just like any drug. But that information needs context around it, and the parents who are weighing those side effects need also to be told about the risk of the diseases that those vaccines are intended to prevent. And my kids are grown. I’m wondering how pediatricians are having that conversation, or if they’re having that conversation, in talking to parents about: These are the risks of the vaccine. But should your child get measles, these are the risks. Before vaccination was widespread for measles, 450 kids died on average every year. Many more were hospitalized. So I think those conversations need to be had. 

Winfield Cunningham: And I think it’s hard for pediatricians sometimes to illustrate that, because we’re so far removed from people having examples or knowing anyone who had these. 

Rovner: Not anymore. 

Winfield Cunningham: Not anymore. But largely, right? I have a lot of parent friends, and I don’t know a child who’s had measles. Our pediatrician was telling me that when she was in medical school, it was still common for pediatric hospitals to be filled with babies with rotavirus. She said you could smell it down the hallway. And now, actually, the people in medical school, they’re not experiencing that, because of widespread vaccination. 

Rovner: All right. Well, the second big thing I want to hit on is, as Sheryl already mentioned, people losing their health insurance. Last summer’s big budget bill would cut nearly a trillion dollars from the Medicaid program and make it more difficult for people to maintain their coverage through the Affordable Care Act. Republicans refusing to extend the expanded Affordable Care Act subsidies from the Biden era is already prompting people to drop coverage that they can no longer afford. What does it mean to the health care system as a whole that the number of Americans without health insurance is going to begin to rise again? 

Raman: I think it’s a multipronged thing. There are some aspects of these things that might not be felt immediately, that might be later this year or early next year as different provisions of the [One] Big Beautiful Bill kind of come into play â€” work requirements, things like that that might affect how many people have insurance. But also, I think it kind of goes back to some of the things that Sheryl and Paige were saying about, just, if fewer people are vaccinated, it increases the risks for everyone. And if fewer people have health insurance, regardless of what they have, it also makes it more difficult. If people are not getting treated for things, they get exacerbated into more serious conditions. So I think there are a lot of issues at play. Some of them have just, we’re kind of waiting to see how the effects are.  

You know, people that may have skipped out on ACA insurance this year, maybe they haven’t needed to go to the doctor yet. We’re in the first month. People might not go every month. But that doesn’t mean they’re not going to be hit with something big, even tomorrow, next month, month after that. And so I think all of these things kind of compound together to make it a lot more difficult of a situation, and just a lot of the complexities, I think it’s kind of in both of them where you’re not sure. Oh, is this renewed? Is this not renewed? It’s, I think, a lot more difficult for the average person to follow this national conversation as much as people that are really plugged in, so that by the time that it trickles down to them, it’s like: Can I sign up for health insurance still? Are the costs high? Am I still eligible? It gets more and more confusing. And then people who might be eligible might kind of be scared away with some of that chilling effect. 

Stolberg: I should say, I think emergency rooms will also bear the brunt of the reduction in insurance, because without, people who don’t have health insurance will forgo going to the doctor until their [conditions are] unable to be ignored. And then they will wind up in the emergency room. 

Rovner: And then those, I was going to say, and then those emergency rooms will end up passing the bills that they can’t pay— 

Stolberg: Exactly. 

Rovner: â€”onto others who can, or in— 

Stolberg: Exactly. It will drive up costs— 

Rovner: Paige, started— 

Stolberg: â€”in the end. 

Winfield Cunningham: I think a lot of this is going to become clearer over the next couple of months. We still don’t really know the effects of those extra subsidies expiring. I was actually surprised to see that the ACA marketplace enrollment figures they released, I believe last week, were not actually that much lower than last year. But people aren’t kicked off their plan until they haven’t paid their premium for three months. So I think we need to wait until April or so to see how many people were, say, auto-enrolled in a plan which they can no longer afford, and now they’re kicked off. And maybe it’s fewer people than we think. Maybe it’s more people than we think. But I think we just don’t know that yet, and we’re going to have to wait for a couple months to see. 

Rovner: Yeah, I think you’re exactly right. I had the same reaction to seeing those numbers. Like, Wow, those are pretty high. And then it’s like, yeah, but those aren’t necessarily people who’ve had to pay their bills yet. Those are just the people who I think may have signed up hoping that Congress was going to do something. So, yeah, we will have to see how many people, I think it’s called “effectuated enrollment,” and we won’t get those numbers for a little while. 

Well, finally, dismantling the federal research enterprise. As I said, we’ve talked about this a lot, but I didn’t want to let it sort of go unstated. This administration appears to like to keep people guessing by cutting and then restoring research grants, refusing to spend congressionally appropriated funding until they’re ordered to do it by the court, and firing or laying off workers only to call them back weeks or months later. All that makes it difficult or impossible for researchers and universities to plan their projects and personnel needs. Combined with new limits on federal student loans for a lot of graduate students, are we at risk of losing the next generation of researchers? We’re already talking about seeing people moving to Europe to continue their research. 

Stolberg: Yes. I think the answer to that is an unequivocal yes. I am hearing from scientists who are having trouble filling their postdoctoral slots. Or young scientists. It’s really the next generation, right? People who are here already and who have families are trying as best they can to sort of stick it out, or maybe they’ll go into industry if they have to leave academia because they’ve lost their grant funding, or if they’ve left NIH. But it really is the next generation of researchers. I hate to draw this comparison, but we did see during World War II, the United States absorbed a lot of European researchers. This is how we got Albert Einstein, right? So I don’t know that we’ll see necessarily a reversal of that, of scientists fleeing, but we might see more young people choosing not to go into academic biomedicine. 

Rovner: And we’re already seeing, it’s not just Europe. It’s China and India— 

Stolberg: Yeah. Right. 

Rovner: â€”offering packages. 

Stolberg: And they’re recruiting. Those countries are recruiting. Yeah, they’re recruiting young scientists, especially China.  

Rovner: Yeah. 

Stolberg: And that’s a good point. David Kessler, the former FDA [Food and Drug Administration] commissioner, has argued that this is really a national security threat for the country. China is a main adversary of the United States, certainly of President Trump. And if we’re at risk of losing highly qualified biomedical researchers to China, then we are giving them an advantage. 

Rovner: Yeah, something else we will keep an eye on, I think, for the rest of the year. OK, we’re going to take a quick break. We will be right back. 

Meanwhile, back to this week’s news. The American Academy of Pediatrics is leading a coalition of public health groups that are suing to reverse the changes to the childhood vaccine schedule made by the CDC earlier this month. The suit claims that the administration violated portions of the law that oversees federal advisory committees that require membership on those panels to be, quote, “fairly balanced,” and not, quote, “inappropriately influenced.” Among other things, the lawsuit asked the court to ban the CDC’s Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices from further meetings. That would basically stop any further changes to the vaccine schedule, I assume? 

Raman: At the end of the day, what ACIP does is just a recommendation to CDC, and they can choose whether or not to go with that recommendation. So I’m not really sure what would happen next, but it is kind of a whack-a-mole situation where just because you stop this does not mean that changes above that aren’t going to happen. 

Stolberg: Yeah. The Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices is just that. It’s an advisory committee. So this lawsuit takes issue with appointments to that committee and also complains that the committee was not consulted before the decision was made public to change the vaccine recommendations. I’m not exactly sure what the legal authority is for that. There’s apparently a federal law requiring federal advisory committees to be, quote, “fairly balanced” and not “inappropriately influenced.” But this isn’t â€” it’s an executive action â€” right? â€” to appoint committee members. It comes out of the executive branch. So I don’t know of any situation in the past where the judiciary has weighed in and said, You can appoint these people or not these people, or You have to redo a committee. So it’s hard to predict what the courts will say about this. 

Rovner: Meanwhile, it’s not just the ACIP that HHS Secretary RFK Jr. is taking aim at. Following his remaking of that advisory committee, he’s now fired some of the members of a separate panel, the Advisory Commission on Childhood Vaccines, which oversees the federal Vaccine Injury Compensation Program, which Kennedy has said he also wants to revamp. That’s the program that compensates patients who can demonstrate injury from side effects of vaccines. How big a deal could this be if he’s going to go after the vaccine compensation program?  

Stolberg: Julie, this is a big deal, and I’ll tell you why. That committee sets what is known as the table of vaccines. Which injuries does the federal government compensate for? And the federal government does not compensate for autism as a vaccine injury. And I have no evidence of this, but if I were betting, that is where Kennedy wants to go. He does not like the 1986 law that created the National Vaccine Injury Compensation Program because it offered liability protection to pharmaceutical companies. He wants to strip away the liability protection, but as I understand it, he does not want to do away with the law. He does not want to do away with the compensation program. So he may be trying to lay the foundation for the compensation program to be more expansive and cover injuries or allow claims for injuries that are not currently considered vaccine injuries, like autism. 

Rovner: Which of course would collapse the program because it’s paid for by an excise tax on vaccines. That was the original deal back in 1986. The vaccine manufacturers said: We’ll pay you this tax, from which you, the federal government, will determine who gets compensated. And in exchange, you’ll relieve us of this liability, because we’re getting sued to death. And if you don’t do this, we’re going to stop making vaccines entirely. That was the origin of this back in 1986. And I was there. I covered it. 

Stolberg: Yeah, exactly. I have read a lot of this history, and the CDC was really over a barrel. The companies were writing to CDC, saying, We’re going to pull the plug on our vaccines. And the CDC was worried that American kids were going to go without lifesaving vaccines because companies were going to quit making them. So they pushed this bill. [President Ronald] Reagan didn’t like it. He signed it into law anyway. And it’s created this program, which is actually imperfect. A lot of people who actually legitimately have vaccine-injured children have trouble getting compensated through this program., and I think many people on all sides of this issue would say that it does need to be overhauled. But it will be interesting to see who Kennedy picks for those committee slots. 

Rovner: Yeah, I think we’re going to learn a lot more about it. We’re going to learn a lot more about it this year. Well, finally, in vaccine land this week, Texas attorney general and U.S. Senate candidate Ken Paxton on Wednesday announced what his office is calling a, quote, “wide sweeping investigation into unlawful financial incentives related to childhood vaccine recommendations.” His statement says that there is a, quote, “multi-level, multi-industry scheme that has illegally incentivized medical providers to recommend childhood vaccines that are not proven to be safe or necessary.” Actually, one of the reasons that Congress created the Vaccines for Children Program back in the 1990s, Sheryl, as you mentioned earlier, is because most pediatricians lost money on giving vaccines. And today, many people can’t even get vaccines from their doctors, because it’s too expensive for the doctors to stock them. What does Paxton think he might find here? 

Stolberg: This is like stump the panelists. No one knows. 

Rovner: I see a lot of people’s— 

Raman: I’m not sure what he thinks he might find, but I do think that he is one of the attorneys general that is generally on the forefront of trying things, to throw spaghetti at the wall and see if it sticks on a variety of issues. So it might be the sort of thing where if he finds something, then it could be kind of a jumping point for other conservative attorneys general. And of course just that he’s primarying Sen. John Cornyn for Senate, so if it raises his profile for more folks. But I’m not sure if there’s a specific thing that he’s looking for. 

Rovner: So he’s trying to curry favor with the anti-vaxxers in Texas, of which we know there are a lot. 

Raman: That would be my best read. 

Stolberg: Austin is, actually, the state capital in Austin is a hot spot for anti-vaccine activism. Andrew Wakefield, who wrote the 1998 Lancet article that’s been retracted, is in Austin. Del Bigtree, who runs the Informed Consent Action Network, is in Austin. There’s a group that I have  called Texans for Vaccine Choice that is one of the early parent-driven groups seeking to roll back vaccine mandates, is based in Austin. So there’s a lot of sentiment there that Ken Paxton might be trying to appeal to. 

Rovner: See? You’ve answered my question. Thank you. All right, that is this week’s news. Before we get to my interview with Dr. Zeke Emanuel, a couple of corrections from last week. First, I misspoke when I said House Republicans were becoming a minority in name only. Of course, I meant they were becoming a majority in name only. I also incorrectly said the lawsuit that helped get the Title X family planning money flowing back to clinics was filed by Planned Parenthood. It was actually filed by the ACLU [American Civil Liberties Union] on behalf of the National Family Planning and Reproductive Health Association. Apologies to all. OK, now we will play my interview with Dr. Zeke Emanuel about his new wellness book, and then we’ll come back and do our extra credits. 

I am so pleased to welcome back to the podcast Dr. Ezekiel Emanuel. Zeke is an oncologist and bioethicist by training and currently serves as vice provost for global initiatives and professor of medical ethics and health policy at the University of Pennsylvania. He formerly worked at the National Institutes of Health before he helped write and implement the Affordable Care Act while his brother Rahm was serving as President [Barack] Obama’s White House chief of staff. Zeke’s latest book, Eat Your Ice Cream: Six Simple Rules for a Long and Healthy Life, is out now. Zeke, welcome back to What the Health? 

Ezekiel Emanuel: Oh, it’s my great honor and pleasure. 

Rovner: So I feel like the subtitle of this book could be How to Keep Yourself Healthy Without Making Yourself Crazy or Broke and that it’s a not so thinly veiled attack on what many of us refer to as the “wellness industrial complex.” What’s gone wrong with the wellness movement? Isn’t it good for us to pursue wellness? 

Emanuel: It is good for us to pursue wellness. I think that there are probably three things that are seriously wrong with the movement. The first one is that they make wellness an obsession that you have to focus all your energy on, which is totally wrong. Wellness should be a habit that sort of works in the background while you focus on the really important things of life. I think the second thing is they tend to overcomplicate things. Part of that is they’ve got to send out an email every day or every other day. They’ve got to do a video, a podcast, what have you. And so they make it complicated so that they have something to report on. And the third thing is they make it oversimple. They’re reductionist. They talk about diet and exercise and sleep, and leave out other very, very important parts of wellness, maybe the most important part of wellness, which is your social interactions. And almost all these experts ignore it. 

And the last thing I would say â€” I guess I have four points â€” the last thing I would say is they have huge conflicts of interest. The wellness industrial complex is between $1- and $2 trillion a year, depending on what you want to include in that bucket, which means that there’s lots of people chasing lots of money trying to sell you lots of crazy items. So there’s money to be had and Them thar hills and people make all sorts of exaggerations. I want to emphasize for your listeners, I’m selling nothing, absolutely nothing. 

Rovner: I will say, I went to your book party. I’ve been to a lot of book parties over the years. Yours is the first one where I actually was not expected to buy the book. You actually gave the book away. 

Emanuel: Yeah, I can’t stand that. Oh, I hate that. 

Rovner: I would say, I assume you were making a point with that. I also ate the ice cream, which was very good. 

Emanuel: Yes. 

Rovner: I feel like your underlying message here is that it’s not enough to make yourself biologically healthy â€” you have to do things that make you happy, too. Is that a fair interpretation? 

Emanuel: Yes, that’s a very fair interpretation. Look, if you’re going to do wellness right, you’re going to be doing it for years and decades of your life. You cannot will yourself to do something for decades. You can will yourself to do something for a few weeks and a few months, but then, unless it becomes a habit that you actually enjoy, you’re simply not going to continue to do it. And so if you want to eat well, you want to exercise, you want to have social interactions, you actually have to make them something that’s pleasurable for your life, something that you find meaningful, even. That’s, again, I think something that’s seriously missing from a lot of these wellness influencers, because they make a lot of wellness about self-denial, about: You should deprive yourselfYou should fast. Maybe you should fast. That’s OK if you can do it and you can work it into your schedule. Actually today is one of my fast days, so I am working it into my schedule. But that’s not for everyone, and it’s not essential to wellness and living a long and happy life. 

Rovner: So what are your six simple rules, in two minutes or less? 

Emanuel: The first one is: Don’t be a schmuck. Don’t take unreasonable risks. Don’t climb Mount Everest. Don’t go BASE jumping. Don’t smoke. Don’t do a lot of other stupid things. The second is: Engage people. A rich social life is the most important thing for a long, healthy, and happy life, and having close friends who you get together with regularly, talk to every week, have dinners with, acquaintances, very, very important. And then casually talking to people who you happen to interact with, either when you get your coffee, you go to the grocery store, you go to the restaurant, you hop in an Uber or a cab. Those are very important social interactions that we tend to ignore and tend to downplay. The third rule is: Keep your mind mentally sharp. And there are important aspects of that. Don’t retire. Take on new cognitive challenges. 

The fourth is: Eat well, and make sure you get rid of the unhealthy eating part and eat important, non-processed items. The fifth is: Exercise. Do the three kinds of exercise: aerobic exercise, strength training, and balance and flexibility with yoga. And the last one is: Sleep well. It’s the one you cannot will yourself to begin doing. You can only sort of prep the bedroom and then hope it happens. 

Rovner: So this whole thing didn’t really need to be book length, but you spent a lot of time reviewing the literature on various aspects of health and wellness, like, you know, a scientist would. Are you trying to make a point here about the current state of science and how the public views it? 

Emanuel: I am. I am a data-driven guy. I like data. I think when you have more than 3 million people that have been surveyed and followed in terms of social interactions and their impact on your wellness and your physical health, that’s worth noting, and it’s worth noting what those studies come to. And they all come to the same basic thing, which is you can reduce your risk of death and mortality in the subsequent six, 10, 12 years, depending upon the study, by about 20% to 30% by greater social interaction, more robust friendships. That’s a pretty impressive number, if you ask me. So I’m trying to emphasize the data and get people to understand and be motivated by the data. And I think I’m pretty clear about moments when I, say, interpret the data differently than a lot of other people do, because I think that’s part of science. 

So, for example, the PSA [prostate-specific antigen] test. Most guidelines say you should get a PSA test. I’m against the PSA test because, yes, it will reduce your risk of dying from prostate cancer, but it does not reduce your overall mortality. I think I don’t much care what’s written on my death certificate. I care about the length and wellness of my life, and the PSA isn’t going to affect that. But others disagree, and then I’m very frank about those kind of disagreements. 

Rovner: So in 2014 you rather famously wrote an Atlantic article called “.” Has writing this book changed your mind about this? And I will say, I’m only a year younger than you, so I have a stake in this, too. 

Emanuel: No, writing this book didn’t change my mind. It did change some things that I do. I will say, what really changed my mind, to the extent that anything changed my mind, was covid and the idea of getting vaccines after 75, I think, is a good thing, especially if whatever’s going around is targeting older people. It seems easy to protect yourself, whether from the flu or something like covid, with a vaccine. So that, I have changed my mind. Researching this book made me put a little more emphasis on, for example, strength training, which I had not done a whole lot of, directly. I’d done it because I ride a bicycle and I strengthen my lower half, my quads and my hamstrings and my gluteal muscles, but I hadn’t really focused on the upper body. 

Rovner: You should do Pilates. It’s great. 

Emanuel: Noted. 

Rovner: Zeke Emanuel. It is always fun to chat with you. And congratulations on the book. 

Emanuel: Thank you, Julie. This has been wonderful and very rapid-fire, more rapid-fire than anyone, because you get right to the heart of things. 

Rovner: Well, we have a lot more that we’re going to talk about this week. Thank you, Zeke. 

Emanuel: Take care, Julie. Bye-bye. 

Rovner: OK, we’re back. It’s time for our extra-credit segment. That’s where we each recognize the story we read this week we think you should read, too. Don’t worry if you miss it. We will post the links in our show notes on your phone or other mobile device. Sandhya, why don’t you go first this week? 

Raman: My extra credit is called “,”and it’s by Judd Legum for Popular Information, his newsletter. And I thought this was really interesting, because, I think, for me, I look very much at HHS and major health agencies, but his piece kind of looks at how ICE [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] has not been paying third-party providers for medical care for detainees since October and that ICE, last week, the agency kind of quietly announced that it would not be processing any of the claims for medical care until April of 2026. And so doctors are instructed to kind of hold on that. And that’s kind of a downward spiral of providers denying services to detainees because they know they’re not going to get paid for a while. And so I thought this was a really interesting piece looking at that. 

Rovner: Yes, indeed. And kind of scary. Paige. 

Winfield Cunningham: Yeah, mine is a piece in Politico called “,” and it’s by Amanda Chu. And this really caught my eye because it was a look at how RFK’s demonization of food and pharma is motivating trial lawyers representing consumers who are saying they’ve been harmed by these products â€” one example, of course, is the lawsuit against the maker of Tylenol â€” and how this really kind of goes against where Republicans have usually been, against trial lawyers representing consumers who say they’ve been harmed by big, bad companies. And so, yeah, it was a really interesting look at that and just at how RFK’s kind of populist, pro-consumer streak has fueled all of this. 

Rovner: The world indeed turned upside down. Sheryl. 

Stolberg: So my extra credit is from Rolling Stone. The headline is “,” and it’s by Katherine Eban. She’s a terrific journalist. And this is about the study in Guinea-Bissau. When CDC pulled back its recommendation for children to be vaccinated at birth against hepatitis B, HHS gave this grant to these Danish researchers to conduct this study in Guinea-Bissau, which would compare vaccinated infants to unvaccinated infants. And there was a huge howl of protest. This study would never be done in this country. The idea of withholding a vaccine from an infant that has been proven to be safe and effective is highly unethical. It evokes memories of the Tuskegee study, in which government doctors withheld treatment for syphilis. So there was this huge uproar, and it turns out that the researchers who got the grant are these Danish statisticians who have a really questionable research history. And the story documents, through emails, how they got basically this no-bid grant by coordinating with some of Kennedy’s allies from his movement, from his vaccine advocacy days. And it was kind of an inside deal, basically. So I just think that this study has generated a lot a lot of complaints. I should say that the researchers have amended the protocol, and now I think they’re going to give shots to one group at age 6 weeks. But still, it’s a very problematic study, and the story exposes how it came to be. 

Rovner: Yeah, it is quite the story. Well, I also have an immigration story. It’s from my former colleague Liz Szabo at the University of Minnesota’s Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy, and it’s called “.” And it’s not just undocumented people avoiding medical care, as Liz details. U.S. citizens with serious health needs are also scared of getting caught up in the ICE dragnet that’s now all around the city. And ICE officials have even been entering hospitals and other health facilities â€” which in previous years they had not been allowed to do. In the dead of winter in Minneapolis, with a particularly severe flu year, this is threatening to become a health crisis as well as an immigration crisis. 

OK, that’s this week’s show. Before we go, it’s almost February. That means our annual KFF Health News Health Policy Valentine contest is open. Please send us your clever, heartfelt, or hilarious tributes to the policies that shape health care. I will post a link to the formal announcement in the show notes. As always, thanks to our editor, Emmarie Huetteman, and our producer-engineer, Francis Ying. A reminder: What the Health? is now available on WAMU platforms, the NPR app, and wherever you get your podcast, as well as, of course, kffhealthnews.org. Also as always you can email us your comments or questions. We’re at whatthehealth@kff.org. Or you can find me still on X, , or on Bluesky, . Where are you folks hanging these days? Sandhya. 

Raman:  and , @SandhyaWrites. 

Rovner: Sheryl 

Stolberg: I’m  and , @SherylNYT. 

Rovner: Paige. 

Winfield Cunningham: I’m on X, , and Bluesky, . 

Rovner: We will be back in your feed next week. Until then, be healthy. 

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